This Phoenix Journal was generated by scanning a printed edition using optical character recognition (OCR). Although efforts have been made to correct errors readers should refer to the image-based or printed version if discrepancies need to be resolved.

/Ground Crew



The Phoenix Journals are intended as a "real time" commentary on current events, how current events relate to past events and the relationships of both to the physical and spiritual destinies of mankind.

All of history, as we now know it, has been revised, rewritten, twisted and tweaked by selfishly motivated men to achieve and maintain control over other men. When one can understand that everything is comprised of "energy" and that even physical matter is "coalesced" energy, and that all energy emanates from God's thought, one can accept the idea that the successful focusing of millions of minds on one expected happening will cause it to happen.

If the many prophecies made over thousands of years are accepted, these are the "end times" (specifically the year 2000, the second millennium, etc.). That would put us in the "sorting" period and only a few short years from the finish line. God has said that in the end-times would come the WORD--to the four corners of the world--so that each could decide his/her own course toward, or away from, divinity--based upon TRUTH.

So, God sends His Hosts--Messengers--to present that TRUTH. This is the way in which He chooses to present it, through the Phoenix Journals. Thus, these journals are Truth, which cannot be copyrighted; they are compilations of information already available on Earth, researched and compiled by others (some, no doubt, for this purpose) which should not be copyrighted. Therefore, these journals are not copyrighted (except SIPAPU ODYSSEY which is "fiction").

The first sixty or so journals were published by America West Publishing which elected to indicate that a copyright had been applied for on the theory that the ISBN number (so necessary for booksellers) was dependent upon the copyright. Commander Hatonn, the primary author and compiler, insisted that no copyrights be applied for and, to our knowledge, none were.

If the Truth is to reach the four corners of the world, it must be freely passed on. It is hoped that each reader will feel free to do that, keeping it in context, of course.


The Phoenix Journals includes bibliographical references and indexes.

Contents: [Tangled Webs] -- [Crucifixion of the Phoenix -- [etc.] -- Pleiades Connection (8 vol's).

1. Spirit writings. I. Hatonn, Gyeorgos C. (Gyeorgos Ceres) II. Dharma, Computer person. III. Phoenix Journals.


ISBN 0-922356-68-8

First Edition Printed by America West Publishers, April 1992

P. O. BOX 27353

Printed in the United States of America








































FRIDAY, MARCH 27, 1992






















MONDAY, MARCH 30, 1992





















































































































I herein repeat this dedication to the same ones as priorly mentioned. To the brave, the daring and the ones willing to risk all against the enemies of your nation from WITHIN as well as WITHOUT. Actually, the list is far too long to give appreciation to other than a tiny few but it's a good start:


I also wish to give special appreciation to the Author, EUSTACE MULLINS who has given you an abundance of information on such a variety of subject matters that I can't list them all--I can only urge you to avail yourselves of those volumes (any and all of them) for they have certified and verified information, dates and places--and named names so as not to protect the guilty. I salute you as an outstanding PATRIOT.



MON., APRIL 13, 1992 9:53 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 241

As we send this volume off to press I am reminded to write this "Introduction" as I can never write an introduction until I know what is in the volume.

In the meanwhile we have received only one objection to the CIA material and that comes from one within the Intelligence Community in conjunction with one who is "stationed" within our location. Eight copies of the document were sent to various ones in a variety of positions with the LIBERATOR--but, obviously not in touch with the reality of the paper itself nor its purpose. It basically demanded that Hatonn and "poor Dharma" "get smart" and get out and publish Coleman's work and publish nothing regarding the CIA. No thank you.

I obviously recommended Dr. Coleman's treatise on the Committee of 300 because it was the best compilation of the material--all of the material had been priorly published and was public knowledge--but YOU did not have it. Ones do not go back 30 to 40 years to research material which has long since been refused re-publication. This "group" of intelligence persons would have us use nothing so "old". And, if you know not the information how can you know your enemy? I was also "put down" and it was suggested that more "Mullins" be utilized. Well, I honor Eustace and he has given me permission to use all or any of his material--which is more than I am granted in other instances wherein we pay for information of "inside writers". I am about to the end of that string also for I only utilize another's writing to CONFIRM that which I have already given you and there seems to be no grateful return unto God for His assistance. For you beloved readers who are awakening, KNOW that we will compromise NOTHING in our bringing of Truth--FOR THAT IS THE HOPE OF MANKIND FOR YOU MUST KNOW YOUR ENEMY.

As we move on with this subject, I am going to utilize an "Author's Note" from a book called IN SEARCH OF ENEMIES...A CIA STORY. Why? Because if ones involved directly "as one of them" do not know what is going on--how can YOU? It requires going back to beginnings and looking at the circumstances to see how your very Constitutional fiber has been torn away--by these "intelligence" termites--formed under British Intelligence (two remarkably mutually exclusive terms in the first instance). It is all a directed part of the Global Plan 2000 and the intent toward Global Government, Global banking, Global depopulation and New World Order.

Therefore, I would like to honor another person closely involved directly with the CIA who has authored the above book. I make no further comment regarding the matter for I desire that YOU ONES DISCERN, FOR SELVES, THE VALUE OF ANY DISSERTATION OR REVELATION.



And we quote:

In December 1976 I advised my boss in the CIA's Africa Division of my intention to resign. For his own reason, he urged me to take several months leave to reconsider. Making it clear I would not change my mind, I accepted his offer of several more pay checks and took three months' sick leave.

I did not tell anyone I planned to write a book. In fact, I had no great confidence in my ability to write. I had been an operations officer--an activist--for the past dozen years in the CIA.

What about the oath of secrecy I signed when I joined the CIA in 1964? I cannot be bound by it for four reasons: First, my oath was illegally, fraudulently obtained. My CIA recruiters lied to me about the clandestine services as they swore me in. They insisted the CIA functioned to gather intelligence. It did not kill, use drugs, or damage people's lives, they assured me. These lies were perpetuated in the following year of training courses. It was not until the disclosures of the Church and Pike Committees in 1975 that I learned the full, shocking truth about my employers.

I do not mean to suggest that I was a puritan or out of step with the moral norms of modern times; nor had I been squeamish about my CIA activities. To the contrary, I had participated in operations which stretched the boundaries of anyone's conscience. But the congressional committees disclosed CIA activities which had previously been concealed, which I could not rationalize.

The disclosures about the plot to poison Patrice Lumumba struck me personally in two ways. First, men I had worked with had been involved. Beyond that, Lumumba had been baptized into the Methodist Church in 1937, the same year I was baptized a Presbyterian. He had attended a Methodist mission school at Wembo Nyama in the Kasai Province of the Belgian Congo (Zaire), while I attended the Presbyterian school in Lubondai in the same province. The two church communities overlapped. My parents sometimes drove to Wembo Nyama to buy rice for our schools. American Methodist children were my classmates in Lubondai. Lumumba was not, in 1961, the Methodists' favorite son, but he was a member of the missionary community in which my parents had spent most of their adult lives, and in which I grew up.

There were other disclosures which appalled me: kinky, slightly depraved, drug-sex experiments involving unwitting Americans, who were secretly filmed by the CIA for later viewing by pseudo scientists of the CIA's Technical Services Division.

For years I had defended the CIA to my parents and to our friends. "Take it from me, a CIA insider," I had always sworn, "the CIA simply does not assassinate or use drugs..."

But worse was to come. A few short months after the CIA's shameful performance in Vietnam, of which I was a part, I was assigned to a managerial position in the CIA's covert Angola program. Under the leadership of the CIA director we lied to Congress and to the 40 Committee, which supervised the CIA's Angola program. We entered into joint activities with South Africa. And we actively propagandized the American public, with cruel results--Americans, misguided by our agents' propaganda, went to fight in Angola in suicidal circumstances. One died, leaving a widow and four children behind. Our secrecy was designed to keep the American public and press from knowing what we were doing--we fully expected an outcry should they find us out.

The CIA's oath of secrecy has been desecrated in recent years, not by authors--Philip Agee, Joe Smith, Victor Marchetti, and Frank Snepp [and James Gritz of Special Forces]--but by the CIA directors who led the CIA into scandalous, absurd operations. At best, the oath was used to protect those directors from exposure by their underlings, although the directors themselves freely leaked information to further their operational or political ploys.

Their cynicism about the oath, and their arrogance toward the United States' constitutional process, were exposed in 1977 when former director Richard Helms was convicted of perjury for lying to a Senate committee about an operation in Chile. Helms plea-bargained a light sentence--the prosecutors were allegedly apprehensive that in his trial many secrets would be revealed, blowing operations and embarrassing establishment figures. After receiving a suspended sentence, Helms stood with his attorney before television cameras while the latter gloated that Helms would wear the conviction as a "badge of honor". Helms was proud of having lied to the Senate to protect a questionable CIA operation, but to protect his own person, secrets would have been exposed.

Faced with a similar choice in the Angolan program--my loyalty to the CIA or my responsibilities to the United States' Constitution--I chose the latter. The CIA's oaths and honor codes must never take precedence over allegiance to our country. That is my second reason for disregarding the oath.

Even with those two reasons, I would not have undertaken to expose the clandestine services if I felt they were essential to our national security. I am persuaded they are not. That is what this book is about.

In discussing our foreign intelligence organ, we consistently confuse two very different offices, referring to both as "CIA". The one, technically called the Central Intelligence Agency's Deputy Directorate of Information, fulfills the mission outlined in the National Security Act of 1947, of centralizing all of the raw intelligence available to our government, collating it, analyzing it for meaning and importance and relaying finished reports to the appropriate offices. Had such an office existed in 1941 we would have been forewarned to friends, relatives, neighbors, and creditors; it is passive and it is benign, without aggressive activity which can harm anyone.

Otherwise, we say "CIA" meaning the clandestine services of the Deputy Directorate of Operations. The organization of about 4,500 employees is also housed in the CIA headquarters building in Langley, Virginia. Anything but benign, its operatives have for thirty years recruited agents (spies) and engineered covert action operations in virtually every corner of the globe.

I was a field case officer of the clandestine services, and by December 1967, when I announced my resignation, I was persuaded that at the very least those services needed a major reform.

Before I decided to resign and write a book I considered the options for working within the CIA for reforms. The prospects were not encouraging. The isolation of the intelligence business provides management with extraordinary leverage over the rank and file. While the CIA benevolently protected and supported officers who had been rendered ineffective by life's tragedies, it had little tolerance of the outspoken individual, the reformist. An officer could play the game and rise, or keep his peace and have security, or he could resign. I had, through the years, made positive recommendations for reform both verbally and in writing to my Africa Division bosses and on occasion to Colby himself, without result. The inspector general's office was competent to handle petty problems, but as an instrument of the director's managerial system, it could not address matters of reform. And I had found the "club" of CIA managers arrogantly resistant to criticism of their own ranks--when I spoke out about the most flagrant mismanagement that I knew about which occurred during the evacuation of Vietnam, I was politely and gently admonished. The culprit was given a position of authority, vindicated by the support of his colleagues, and I was informed I had better keep my peace. Only in the forum of public debate, outside the CIA, could effective leverage be had to correct the agency's wrongs.

After resigning I testified for five days to Senate committees, giving them full details about such agency activities as are covered in the book. Had I been reassured that they would take effective corrective action, I would have considered abandoning my own plans to write. Unfortunately, the Senate intelligence committees in Washington are unable to dominate and discipline the agency. Some senators even seem dedicated to covering up its abuses. Once again, I concluded that only an informed American public can bring effective pressure to bear on the CIA.

Others had reached the same conclusion. Philip Agee used his book, INSIDE THE COMPANY: A CIA DIARY, as a sword to slash at the agency, to put it out of business in Latin America. Deeply offended by the CIA's clandestine activities, Agee attacked individual operations and agents, publishing every name he could remember. Although he made an effort to explain how and why he became disillusioned, he did not illuminate the CIA "mind". Marchetti and Snepp contributed valuable information to the public's knowledge of the CIA. THE CIA AND THE CULT OF INTELLIGENCE includes a vast store of information about the agency, drawn from Marchetti's experience in the DDI and in the office of the director of central intelligence. Snepp, for six years an analyst in the CIA's Saigon station, chronicles the intelligence failure and betrayals of the CIA evacuation of South Vietnam in April 1975.

My objective in writing this book is to give the American public a candid glimpse inside the clandestine mind, behind the last veils of secrecy. The vehicle I chose is the Angola paramilitary program of 1975-1976. The anecdotes I relate all happened as described. Dates and details are drawn from the public record and from voluminous notes I took during the Angola operation. In most cases there were other witnesses and often enough secret files to corroborate them. However, for reasons of security, I was not able to interview key individuals or return to the CIA for further research as I wrote. I urge the CIA to supplement my observations by opening its Angola files--the official files as well as the abundant "soft" files we kept--so the public can have the fullest, most detailed truth.

Our libel laws restrict an author's freedom to relate much of human foible. Nevertheless I have managed to include enough anecdotes to give the reader a full taste of the things we did, the people we were. But this is not so much a story of individual eccentricities and strange behavior, though I mention some. I have no desire to expose or hurt individuals and I reject Agee's approach. As a case officer for twelve years I was both victim and villain in CIA operations. In both roles I was keenly sympathetic for the people we ensnarled in our activities. Perhaps they are responsible according to the principles of Nuremburg and Watergate--which judged lesser employees individually responsible and put them in jail--but I prefer to address the issues at a broader level. Since my resignation I have revealed no covert CIA employee or agent's name, and I stonewalled the Senate and FBI on that subject when they questioned me.

My sympathy does not extend to the CIA managers who led the CIA to such depths, but in this book I have used actual names only for such managers as had previously been declared as "CIA": Director William Colby; Deputy Director of Operations William Nelson; Bill Welles, who replaced Nelson; and Africa Division Chief James Potts. And myself. The other names of CIA personnel--Carl Bantam, Victor St. Martin, Paul Foster, et al.--are pseudonyms which I invented. (Any resemblance those names might have to the true names of individuals within and without the CIA is purely coincidental.) In the field, Holden Roberto and Jonas Savimbi were well known to be our allies. Bob Denard and Colonel Santos y Castro were also public figures, widely known to be involved on the side of Roberto, Savimbi, and the CIA. "Timothe Makala" is a name I invented (makala means "charcoal" in the Bantu dialect, Tshiluba). On occasion I used CIA cryptonyms, but in most cases they, too, have been altered to protect the individuals from any conceivable exposure.

On April 10, 1977, after my resignation was final, I published an open letter to CIA Director Stansfield Turner in the Outlook section of the Washington Post. It outlined the reasons for my disillusionment. (The letter is reprinted in the Appendix of this book.) Director Turner subsequently initiated a housecleaning of the clandestine services, proposing to fire four hundred people, to make the clandestine services "lean and efficient". In December 1977 Turner admitted to David Binder of the New York Times that this housecleaning had been triggered by my letter.

[H: Please do not be too gullible, readers, and keep in mind that the Washington Post AND The New York Times are among the most controlled and disinformation sheets in the public--totally run by the Elite Conspirators. I have no further comment as to the intents or reasons other than as given, of John Stockwell. The information in his book is worthy of your investigation--simply always be alert to hidden and replaced names and involved persons because the replacing of same makes the volume partial truth and would have to be considered a "novel". I will add to that, however, that any "ranking" officer/agent will have been "sheep dipped" once or more times and the identity would be a bit questionable at any rate.]

In January 1978, President Carter announced a reorganization of the intelligence community, which in fact has the effect of strengthening the CIA, and Admiral Turner has reached an understanding with Congress (of which I was skeptical--the Congress has neither the will nor the means to control the CIA). (Editor's note: This was written in 1978.) Now Turner has intensified his campaign for tighter controls over CIA employees. He is lobbying vigorously for legislation that would jail anyone who threatens the CIA by disclosing its secrets. It makes him fighting mad, he blusters, when anyone leaks classified information. Such people are violating the "code of intelligence", he charges. It is the CIA's "unequivocal right" to censor all publications by CIA people, he claims. "Why do Americans automatically presume the worst of their public servants?" he asks--a remarkable question in the wake of Watergate, FBI, and CIA revelations [not to mention the recent Gulf War, Patriot missiles and other deceptions].

Director Turner and President Carter have it backwards. It is the American people's unequivocal right to know what their leaders are doing in America's name and with our tax dollars. My third reason.

For my fourth reason, I reclaim my constitutional right of freedom of speech. The Constitution of the United States does not read that all citizens shall have freedom of speech except those that have signed CIA oaths. Until there is such an amendment of the Constitution, ratified by the appropriate number of states, the Marchetti ruling rests as bad law, an unfortunate relic of the Nixon Administration's bullishness. If the CIA and its "secrets game" cannot live with our fundamental constitutional rights, there can be no question, the Constitution must prevail.

But if the present administration has its way, stories such as this one would be suppressed and covered up. And the author would be punished. I invite the reader to judge which is more important: CIA misadventures such as this one, or our fundamental right to know the truth about our public servants' activities and to keep them honest?



* * *

Please realize this, too, is an "old" book. Therefore, names and participants have been changed many times at any reviewing. You have a much worse situation in this day because you have a President who is a prior CIA Director and the entire organization works on a totally barbaric and clandestine foundation. Unfortunately this government and world society of Elite Governors has the noose at suffocation tightness about the necks of the population of the entire globe. I suggest all who will do so, get copies of the books mentioned above. One thing that runs through ALL the political New World Order information as well as all outlay of the governing Elite organizations is the name of Henry Kissinger.

To you who would shut down our work--perish the thought for we will continue and fulfill our mission and your stupidly silly advertising and self-serving garbage will not be more than a lighted fire to encourage us in our work.

If you believe unConstitutional actions cannot be happening "IN OUR COUNTRY" or with "WITH OUR POLICE", etc., I want to leave you with a reprint of a document sent to me by a resident in the area of Thousand Oaks (Los Angeles area), California--THIS PAST WEEK.

All houses and apartments received this notice and other areas are also receiving them with appropriate location changes. This is a "sweep" operation and if it doesn't scare you speechless in its Nazi tactics and Communist Manifesto actions--remember-the KGB and Mossad are working in the basic training programs within your Police Training Academies across the U.S.A. and Canada.






STREET GANGS have been reported to infest YOUR neighborhood. They endanger YOUR children and family. They lower YOUR property value and raise YOUR insurance costs. They may have recruited YOUR child already. VENTURA COUNTY CRIME STOPPERS will work with you to flush YOUR neighborhood of this pestilence.

CRIME STOPPERS trades cash for information. IT'S ALL SECRET. All the way from your own secret code number right to the CASH payoff. Nobody's going to ask your name or record your call. AND YOU GET YOUR MONEY WHEN AN ARREST IS MADE AND A COMPLAINT IS FILED. YOU DON'T HAVE TO WAIT FOR THE TRIAL. YOU DON'T HAVE TO TESTIFY. YOU CAN'T: WE DON'T KNOW WHO YOU ARE! [H: Oh, and just how do "they" know who to pay???]

Here's how to spot gang members.

  1. They wear dark clothes. Baggy pants, T-shirts and black, billed caps with the names of LA sports teams or gang names on clothing.

  2. Boys and girls, 12-23 years old.

  3. Tattoos.

  4. They use hand signs.

  5. Gang insignia appear on personal stuff, like notebooks, T-shirts, hats, etc.

  6. Also watch for kid's street names. They use street or gang names, like Lefty, Squinty, Stinky. Names fit physical or psychological attributes.

Here's the kind of information to give CRIME STOPPERS.

  1. Names of gang members.

  2. Things they're planning to do.

  3. What do they boast about having done?

  4. Even if you don't understand what's said. Report it to CRIME STOPPERS. They'll know and can put it together with other info to make an arrest.

  5. Report to CRIME STOPPERS the make, color and license number of cars of suspected gang members.

The best way to protect YOUR child is to attack local gangs. Tell CRIME STOPPERS about YOUR child's friends you think are gang members. When they're off the streets they can't hurt YOUR child. The sooner they're gone the safer YOUR child will be.


Dozens of your neighbors will be reporting suspected gang members to CRIME STOPPERS. One of them might by YOUR child. Help get rid of the gangs before this happens.

Call CRIME STOPPERS at 494-TALK. The information you have may result in an arrest and the filing of a complaint and one more gang member is off the street. And you could be in line for a reward of up to $1,000.

IT'S ALL SECRET. All the way from your own secret code number right to the CASH payoff. Nobody's going to ask your name or record your call. AND you get your money when an arrest is made. You don't have to wait for the trial and you don't have to testify.

P.O. Box 7303

Thousand Oaks, California 91359.


* * *

Remember the order of the Plan:

"Tear down the family and then turn neighbor against neighbor and nation against nation."

The above breaks all of the articles in the Bill of Rights and yet this comes with the sanction of the Law Enforcement Agencies and the Local Governments. It is written and dispersed in English and the predominant "other" language of any community--the document in point is English and Spanish.

May God have mercy for you precious ones certainly need it.

Gyeorgos C. Hatonn



SAT., MARCH 21, 1992 8:57 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 218



There are so many "thing-watchers" today that we can hardly even touch them all.


You are looking at an arrogant stand-off between the forces of a Khazarian Zionist controlled Congress and a "Skull and Bones" President. As usual--you-the-people are the pawns. I believe you witnessed the show and tell of a President running for office--the only problem being that you don't know for which office he is REALLY running. You are, however, seeing dirty politics in full blossom and I hope you are alert so as to read "between those lines" and don't be hoodwinked by the show.


Yes, if you all get behind this man--IF HE TEAMS UP WITH GRITZ--YOU CAN TURN THIS NATION AROUND!! You would be able to pull in all of Brown's votes, Nader's backing and pick up a lot of disappointed Buchanan backers. Surely you would get the final backing of the Independent candidates as well.


The above stands for: Throw the Hypocritical Rascals Out. This is the political movement which Ross projects and it seems quite beneficial in perception--if you will actually do it. Gritz will "can" the whole bunch of "appointed" goons but you ones are going to have to clean up the House and Senate.

I am amused at Bush's reference to the "House" Banking problems and their lack of ability to "run one little bank". I suggest that something stinks about a very, very large Bank utilized by ones such as Bush, Clinton, Clifford, Saddam and on and on and on--called BCCI. He must be feeling very smug and brave for some reason, to bring up the dirty laundry in the skeletons' closet--YOU HAD BEST CHECK INTO THOSE REASONS!

At present, no candidate without a bank behind him can afford to run for office. You now have "representative form of government"--i.e.: He who contributes most gets the representation.


Sudden change and giving up of weapons? Oh, chelas, take care for that can only mean that there is coalition now, between Jordan, Syria, Libya, etc., so that no longer will Iraq's fragments be needed. If you don't get those vipers out of office soon--there will be no nation remaining.


If you think you are weary of hearing about Khazars and other species, please forgive me but I, too, am weary of the distraction. It helps to know your enemy, however, especially when it is THE ENEMY who intends to destroy your world.

I am not going into long words about the issue even though it remains at the top of the denial list of information given. Mainly that argument revolves around the connection with the Committee of 300 and the Jewish connection and, and, and.

I would share with you a reference of fact sent to my attention for YOUR confirmation about what we bring to your table of information. This came with xeroxed copies of reference material right out of a London Library. The information came from one M.D.W. of Millikin University in Decatur, II.

To: Commander Hatonn, Dharma, Anyone.

Date: 3-17-92

From: M.D.W.

Subject: Khazars - Genealogy of British Royal Family

One of my hobbies is royal genealogy. While going through this book on ancestral lines of Prince William of Wales, I came across an interesting bloodline. (See Chart 22, etc.) Through the medieval kings of Hungary, the current Prince of Wales is related to Marot, Khagan (Khan) of the Khazars.

My interest in royal genealogy began after reading Holy Blood, Holy Grail by Michael Baigent. I believe their thesis is that Jesus survived the crucifixion, married Mary Magdalene, and had children by her. Also that the bloodline survived and continued through the Merovingian Kings of France down to our present day. Can you verify the truth of this hypothesis?

Yes, I can--but not at this writing for it is far too lengthy and will be misunderstood if not laid forth in proper sequence of events. I will suggest that all of you refer back to AND THEY CALLED HIS NAME IMMANUEL and you will find that he most certainly did not "die" on the cross and, taking some ones with him, went eventually into Tibet after traveling through India.

We of the record keepers find it difficult to equate your inquiries to that which is represented to us as "countries" for boundaries and labels change and to identify "France" without qualification would be a most foolish error on my part. Also, it is not appropriate that I simply won't answer yes or no regarding relationships with Mary Magdalene for there is NO way that in this brief reference I can adequately follow that sequence. I will most surely eagerly look forward to unfolding this story for your witness as we move out, (if we ever can), of the trap of disagreeable current events and necessary information to get you "that far".


You can call this entity anything you want--but the fact is it is still very much the "Soviets". It is only factions which are divided and the Elite of both sides have never lost goal intent. One intends to rule the world and has infiltrated within your very nation of the U.S. and into many, many other countries under the banner of various "ideals"; and the Russian element who can be referred to as the non-atheistic Russians who intend to get rid of the Jewish Khazar Zionists at any cost. Either way, it becomes such a tangled web of intrigue that I don't wonder that you can't keep up with the changing terminology.

I suggest that you never mind the terminology but pay attention to facts as sequence unfolds them. I have told you that the CIA/KGB/Mossad are all basically one element now under direct control of their master-parent: the Committee of 300. I have told you that the KGB has more operatives in the CIA than do Americans. I have also told you that you have members of the KGB within your various cosmopolitan police academies training the forces that will enforce the New World Order Control. I have given you locations of underground installations of large size and also missile bases with targeted missiles in place. I have yet to point out the 500 major points of impact as targeted by the Soviets. I have told you of the Soviet and Communist buildup of military equipment in Mexico at your Southern Border along with the players involved from Vietnam (as in "Cong"), the Korean Communists and how all are infiltrating into your "States" and setting up points of base operations. I am appreciative when I can give you confirmation from people "in the field" which I can share with you although I'm not sure I totally share his humor regarding the inhabitants of the city in point.

From Ohio comes confirmation of a base--you will note that I didn't mark Ohio as having your own facilities as in other locations. That is because the ones set forth are no longer in the control of the U.S. For instance, as reported from Ohio (and in several other bases formerly U.S. military) the "Russians have come". The message is that a major U.S. military base is now completely in control of, and secretly used by, the Soviets--AT COLUMBUS, OHIO. The letter-writer's comment was that "perhaps Columbus deserves it!".


You keep badgering me as to why we don't show up and "fix" things and why didn't we show up at such and such a time because there was promise of change as with the Kennedy Presidency. We do not play in those short-sighted games and besides, chelas, I think you forget to look at all sides of the hologram. What makes you think I am not present and that perhaps I have CONTROL OF SOME OF THE INSTALLATIONS? Do not your UFOlogists continue to tell you about all those "aliens" running around with your government in "HOSTAGE"? If we represent enemies to the governments and adversary--does that mean that we are YOUR enemy? It might be well worth pondering possibilities. You had best be checking to define whose side YOU ARE ON. Truth will stand on the final decision day--words will gain nothing. Any time you have ones who can merge with and pass through solid substance--YOU HAVE PROBLEMS IF THEY ARE NOT ON YOUR SIDE! Will an "alien" hurt you? NO--but the Men of human format will certainly try and make you believe they will.

I can give you a clue or two--why do you think the Elite Conspirators have such massive and luxurious facilities in places like Australia, etc., and are prepared to "forfeit" the Northern Hemisphere--COULD THEY REALLY KNOW SOMETHING THEY AREN'T TELLING YOU?

Wouldn't it be nice if you lovely humanoids would just get your own mess into control and reclaim your nation from your treasonist enemies? I heartily suggest you work at it and consider the potentially beneficial thrust of an open mind toward these possibilities of the Host's contribution and participation. God is not in the habit of playing silly games ON HIS PEOPLE. Those "tricks" are only of the adversary. Why do you think the church speakers and religious false teachers try to sell you lovely people on the lie that aliens and anything coming from space is of Satan and a "lie"? Where in the name of all reason do you think the Christos (by any name) and the messengers have come from since the onset of all "time keeping"? You had best get your reasoning caps upon your heads, open your minds and get out of Fantasy La-La Land and into the vision of Truth. I am a lot closer to you than you might think.


You are told so little about everything and anything and you grasp the false illusion like a lifebelt. In this very area of California there is a large prison facility called a cute name like "Correctional Facility", while most of the criminals are left outside running your government and big business. Nonetheless, Dharma said one day to a few people talking about the underground facilities that "...well, but what about that big facility under the prison!" There was silence and all turned to look at her as if to ask "...what about it?" She was stunned because she knew all about it--having even been there--and was quite sure I had spoken of it in meeting as well as in writing. No, I had not, because we have ones who are employed at the prison and I need to keep protection about them.

Not only do they have a massive facility which interlocks with the Northrop and other facilities but the inmates in various categories of "lock-up" worked on the project and some have tattled quite openly about it. It simply is NOT that which will run in your local paper when they won't even run a simple letter to-the-Editor regarding "No" on War.

I do not wish to take more time on this now, but will get back to it as we have opportunity. I mention these things because they must be integrated into the concept of the ever outstretched coverage of the CIA and other "intelligence" groups.

Let us return to the subject of the CIA structure and spend an hour or so, before our meeting, on the subject in point.


By the way, for you readers and listeners, it has gotten completely beyond Dharma's ability to write such volumes of documents as to cover all material and miscellaneous matters inappropriate to a JOURNAL in preparation. So, if you will look in the BOOKLIST AND ORDERING INFORMATION section there will be information on how to obtain audio tapes of the se meetings we have--unless totally geared to local business matters. I will endeavor to respond to questions which flow into this focus and it will, in addition, give us opportunity to exchange more comfort with conversational communications. If at first you are uncomfortable with a bit of female voice tone I believe it will not even be noted as we move along in the taping. The expense for same will be kept as minimal as possible to break even and you will be given other instructions as to source of ordering for we need to relieve America West of some of the load and give separation as to this type of communication for they face enough impact from the publications. Thank you for your attention and patience while we get set up with equipment to run that many copies for circulation.

I would like as many as who would be interested to obtain the tapes from our last large meeting for I believe it was one of the more important as to information. That meeting was on the 14th of March and was some five hours in length so there will be probably some 4 tapes ($10 per set). Information can still be gotten immediately through America West--our intent is remove additional burden for soon the publications will be handled through Nevada and other resources for security and more efficient business operations. We will effort to set the audio tapes into some kind of format so that the cost can be utilized as a "donation" for your convenience. So be it, let us move on with our subject in point.




The greatest dangers to liberty lurk in insidious encroachment by men of zeal, well-meaning but without understanding. Justice Brandeis, 1928.

The nation must to a degree take it on faith that we too are honorable men devoted to her service. CIA Director Helms, 1971. [H: And if you believe that one--I have some bridges to sell you!]


The man who masterminded and oversaw the CIA's clandestine operations in Indochina during much of the 1960s was William Colby. He is a trim, well-groomed Princeton and Columbia Law School graduate who, if he were taller, might be mistaken for a third Bundy brother. He started in the intelligence business during World War II with the Office of Strategic Services. His field assignments included parachuting into German-occupied France and Norway to work with the anti-Nazi underground movements, during which he showed a remarkable talent for clandestine work. After the war he joined the newly formed CIA and rose rapidly through its ranks, becoming an expert on the Far East. From 1959 until 1962 he served as the CIA's chief of station in Saigon. In 1962 he was named head of the Far East Division of the Clandestine Services.

In this position Colby presided over the CIA's rapidly expanding programs in Southeast Asia. Under his leadership (but always with White House approval) the agency's "secret" war in Laos was launched, and more than 30,000 Meo and other tribal warriors were organized into the CIA's own Armee Clandestine. Colby's officers and agents directed--and on occasion participated in--the battles against the Pathet Lao, in bombing operations by the CIA's proprietary company, Air America, and in commando-type raids into China and North Vietnam, well before Congress had passed the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution.

Colby seemed to keep the secret operation always under tight control. His colleagues in the CIA marveled at his ability to run all the agency's activities in Laos with no more than forty or fifty career CIA officers in the field. There were, to be sure, several thousand other Americans supporting the CIA effort, but these were soldiers of fortune or pilots under contract to the agency, not career men. From the CIA's point of view, the war in Laos was cheap (costing the agency only $20 to $30 million a year) and well managed. The full cost of the war was actually closer to a half-billion dollars a year, but most of this was funded by other agencies--the Defense Department and AID. The number of Americans involved was small enough that a relatively high degree of secrecy could be maintained. In contrast to the tens of thousands of Laotians who died in the war, few Americans were killed, and those who were casualties were not CIA career officers but rather mercenaries, contract officers, and personnel of the agency's air proprietaries. The agency considered Laos to be a very successful operation. And Colby received much of the credit for keeping things under control.

The agency's clandestine activities in Vietnam were not so well organized, concealed, or successful as its Laotian operation. In the mid-1960's the CIA was swept along with the rest of the U.S. government into launching huge programs designed to support the war effort. The agency would have preferred to run relatively small, highly secret operations (or to have had complete control of covert action), but the stiffer and stiffer demands of the Johnson Administration made this impossible. Thus, if the President wanted a larger contribution from the CIA, the CIA would contribute. In 1965 Colby, still stationed in Washington, oversaw the founding in Vietnam of the agency's Counter Terror (CT) program. In 1966 the agency became wary of adverse publicity surrounding the use of the word "terror" and changed the name of the CT teams to the Provincial Reconnaissance Units (PRUs). Wayne Cooper, a former Foreign Service officer who spent almost eighteen months as an advisor to South Vietnamese internal-security programs, described the operation: "It was a unilateral American program, never recognized by the South Vietnamese government. CIA representatives recruited, organized, supplied, and directly paid CT teams, whose function was to use Viet Cong techniques of terror—assassination, abuses, kidnappings and intimidation--against the Viet Cong leadership". Colby also supervised the establishment of a network of Provincial Interrogation Centers. One of these centers was constructed, with agency funds, in each of South Vietnam's forty-four provinces. An agency operator or contract employee directed each center's operation, much of which consisted of torture tactics against suspected Vietcong, such torture usually carried out by Vietnamese nationals.


In 1967 Colby's office devised another program, eventually called Phoenix, to coordinate an attack against the Vietcong infrastructure among all Vietnamese and American police, intelligence, and military units. Again CIA money was the catalyst. According to Colby's own testimony in 1971 before a congressional committee, 20,587 suspected Vietcong were killed under Phoenix in its first two and a half years. Even Colby has admitted that serious abuses were committed under Phoenix. Former intelligence officers have come before congressional committees and elsewhere to describe repeated examples of torture and other particularly repugnant practices used by Phoenix operatives. However, according to David Wise, writing in the New York Times Magazine on July 1, 1973, "Not one of Colby's friends or neighbors, or even his critics on the Hill, would, in their wildest imagination, conceive of Bill Colby attaching electric wires to a man's genitals and personally turning on the crank. 'Not Bill Colby. . . He's a Princeton man.'" Figures provided by the South Vietnamese government credit Phoenix with 40,994 VC kills. [H: Whose side do you suppose God might have been on? You always "claim" HIM, do you not, because of your "humanitarian" approach to burying men in trenches and other cute tricks?]

Also in 1967, President Johnson sent Robert Komer, a former agency employee who had joined the White House staff, to Vietnam to head up all the civilian and military pacification programs. In November of that year, while Komer was in Washington for consultation, the President asked him if there was anything he needed to carry out his assignment. Komer responded that he certainly could use the services of Bill Colby as his deputy. The President replied that Komer could draft anybody he chose. A year later Colby succeeded Komer as head of the pacification program, with the rank of ambassador. The longtime clandestine officer had ostensibly resigned from the CIA to become a State Department employee.

* * *

Dharma, we must leave this now lest we be late for our agreed appointment. Promptness is always mandatory in our service for ones must always find us dependable and worthy of our "word" in ALL things.

I will move to stand-by and allow you to close down the equipment. Thank you.



WED., MARCH 25, 1992 8:15 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 222


Dharma, since there is so much to write regarding other than the JOURNAL in writing, I shall simply ask that you continue with the subject for we need to sort priorities with other material and, yet, I must place this CIA information at the top for all activities of military nature (which is all activities) around your globe are now under direction of the CIA in connection with and at the direction of a Central Intelligence as set up by the Global Government.

Dear ones, I suggest you be a bit terrified right now--this is not amusing games in the information shipped back to you from an alleged "space shuttle"--they are showing you prepared pictures of electron particle beams and covering their actions with cute pictures of vapor trails, etc. These are issued as "blackmail" to us of the Command. Things are indeed serious on the International front as is exposed by what is happening in Libya (if nothing else). The Libyans are pawns of the enforcers--let me remind you for YOU ALREADY HAVE BEEN TOLD THIS--BY ME.

The British Intelligence set up the frame-up of the Libyan terrorists in connection with the Scotland air crash. The two men in point are NOT guilty of anything to do with the crash. This is a totally set-up situation to force a nation to capitulate under force of total isolation and embargo via the One World Government orchestrated under the shield of the U.S.A. (shame on you, America). This particular little plot was conjured by one Henry Kissinger. Therefore, I need to give you a bit more on Henry Kissinger as he related to this CIA head, George Bush. It is a break from the JOURNAL in point, it would seem; it is not because all the power was gained through the use of the CIA.

This portion will go back to the Kissinger clone ambassador to the United Nations (Bush) in the early seventies and we will unfold Bush's inter-relationship at that general time of sequence


We will take up the story of this relationship in the very early 1970's where, at that time in his career, George Bush entered into a phase of close association with both Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger. As you will see, Bush was a member of the Nixon cabinet from the spring of 1971 until the day that Nixon resigned. You will also note Bush on a number of important occasions literally acting as Nixon's speaking conduit, especially in international crisis situations. During these years in point, Nixon was Bush's patron, providing him with appointments and urging him to look forward to bigger things in the future. On certain occasions, however, Bush was upstaged by others in his quest for Nixon's favor. You will note, today, that Nixon is right back in the gang of influencers--i.e., note association and meetings with Buchanan. Dear ones, the Buchanan you get is not what WAS. This ended up a "planted deal" as the Buchanan who was going to try for President was reprogrammed quite early on as an impact was shown and, to bring the robotoid under control, the press was given release that there would be meetings with Bush to tell Bush to resign, etc. That was only a front to cause you to believe there would be a meeting--which there was--and everything in Buchanan was reprogrammed to move right into line and steady leaning toward full support of the Republican Party. Clinton is also chosen BY THE SAME GROUP to be groomed in like manner so that control will never be in jeopardy of the Conspirators.


You are so near nuclear war that all are acting under total blackmail by the Intelligence enforcer-groups. Note that today the only power plant (nuclear) to give power to Iraq (who is mostly dead with no life support systems) was destroyed by this group of United Nations "inspectors" from the United States. You have reached the most pathetic and pitiful stage of your planet and this pit will now deepen on a daily basis. Worse--the "news" is pre-prepared and it is ordered THAT YOU GET ONLY THE "AUTHORIZED" EDITIONS. I assure you right NOW--YOU SHALL REAP THE REWARDS OF THIS HORRENDOUS ACTIVITY--AND IT SHALL BE VERY, VERY SOON.

Besides Nixon, there was Kissinger, far and away the most powerful figure in the entire Washington regime, even then, who became Bush's boss when the latter became the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations in New York City. Later, on the campaign trail in 1980, Bush would offer to make Kissinger Secretary of State in his administration.

Bush was now listing a net worth of over $1.3 million, but the fact is that he was actually unemployed in readiness to assume the next "official" post, to take the next step of what, in the career of a Roman Senator, was called the cursus honorum, the patrician career, for this is what he felt the world owed him. Here is just a tiny, tiny portion of Bush's portfolio:

In 1970, Bush's presented portfolio included over 30 companies in which he had an interest of more than the required-for-public announcement of over $4,000. He had 10,000 shares of American General Insurance Co., 5,500 shares of American Standard, 200 shares of AT&T, 832 shares of CBS, and 581 shares of Industries Exchange Fund. He also held stock in the Kroger Company, Simplex Wire and Cable Co. (25,000 shares), IBM, and Allied Chemical. In addition, he had created a trust fund for his children with "pre-placement" positions arranged and guaranteed for future use.

Nixon had promised Bush an attractive and prestigious political plum in the executive branch, and it was now time for Nixon to deliver. Bush's problem was that in late 1970 Nixon was more interested in what another Texan could contribute to his administration. That other Texan was John Connally, who had played the role of Bush's nemesis in the elections just concluded, by virtue of the encouragement and decisive support which Connally had given to the Bentsen candidacy. Nixon was now fascinated by the prospect of including the right-wing Democrat Connally in his cabinet in order to provide himself with a patina of bipartisanship, while emphasizing the dissension among the Democrats, strengthening Nixon's chances of successfully executing his Southern Strategy a second time during the 1972 elections.

Now, more than ever before, political figures are groomed and practiced in selected denouncements and rhetoric to fool you-the-people. Ones come out in seeming opposition to actions of Bush and the party in power--but they are only placing the stage-set for manipulation of your emotional reactions which will guide you right into the trap set for you in the first place. The same type of biliously insipid games are being played out between you and Israel at the moment.

The word among Nixon's inner circle of that period was "The Boss is in love," and the object of his affections was Big Jawn. Nixon claimed that he was not happy with the stature of his current cabinet, telling his domestic policy advisor John Ehrlichman in the fall of 1970 that "Every cabinet should have at least one potential President in it. Mine doesn't." Nixon had tried to recruit leading Democrats before, asking Senator Henry Jackson to be Secretary of Defense and offering the post of United Nations Ambassador to Hubert Humphrey.

Within hours after the polls had closed in the Texas Senate race, Bush received a call from Charles Bartlett, a Washington columnist who was part of the Prescott Bush network. Bartlett tipped Bush to the fact that Treasury Secretary David Kennedy was leaving, and urged him to make a grab for the job. Bush called Nixon and put in his request. After that, he waited by the telephone. But it soon became clear that Nixon was about to recruit John Connally, and with him, perhaps, the important Texas electoral votes in 1972. Secretary of the Treasury! One of the three or four top posts in the cabinet! And that before Bush had been given anything for all of his tireless slogging through the 1970 campaign! But the job was about to go to Connally. Over two decades, one can almost hear Bush's whining complaint for "kinder and gentler" treatment.

This move, of course, was not unprepared. During the fall of 1970, when Connally was campaigning for Bentsen against Bush, Connally had been invited to participate in the Ash Commission, a study group on government re-organization chaired by one Roy Ash. This White House access was dangerously undermining George Bush and the Texas GOP was complaining loudly. A White House staff member named Peter Flannigan was also a close friend of Bush and he generated a memo to White House Chief of Staff H. R. Haldeman with the notation: "Connally is an implacable enemy of the Republican Party in Texas and, therefore, attractive as he may be to the President, we should avoid using him again." Nixon found Connally an attractive political property and had soon appointed him to the main White House panel for intelligence evaluations. On November 30, when Connally's appointment to the Foreign Intelligence Advisory Board was announced, the senior Senator from Texas, John Tower, and George Bush were instantly in touch with the White House to express their extreme distress over the appointment. Please let me believe you ones are seeing connections with the Kennedy assassination and that which is following as outlaid herein and the players involved. This can be confirmed by a writing by James Reston, Jr., THE LONE STAR: THE LIFE OF JOHN CONNALLY, which gives you a lot of good historical data.


Tower was indignant because he had been promised by Ehrlichman some time before that Connally was not going to receive an important post. Bush's personal plight was even more poignant: he was out of work, and he wanted a job. As a defeated senatorial candidate, he hoped and fully expected to get a major job in the administration. Yet the administration seemed to be paying more attention to the very Democrat who had put him on the job market. "What gives?" Bush was justified in asking, I'm sure. Do you also begin to see why Tower, scorned, would later write on these topics of interest--and be killed in an air-crash as his book was to be released-- -- -- what ever happened to that book?

The appointment of Connally to replace David Kennedy as Secretary of the Treasury was concluded during the first week of December 1970. By the way, why do you think Connally had such pull at that time? Ah so--now you are beginning to get the idea of this monster--he knew what happened and what went wrong in Dallas when Kennedy was slain and, now, you also know why he screamed, "My God, they are going to KILL US ALL!" The appointment could not be announced without causing an upheaval among the Texas Republicans until something had been done for lame duck George B. On December 7, Nixon retainer H. R. Haldeman was writing memos to himself in the White House. The first was: "Connally set." Then came: "Have to do something for Bush right away." Could Bush become the director of NASA? How about the Small Business Administration? Or the Republican National Committee? Or then again, he might like to be White House congressional liaison, or perhaps Undersecretary of Commerce. Since no job immediately came to mind, Bush was assured that he would come to the White House as a top presidential adviser on something or other, until another fitting job would open up.


Bush was called to the White House on December 9, 1970 to meet with Nixon and talk about a post as assistant to the President "with a wide range of unspecified general responsibilities", according to a White House memo initialed by H. R. Haldeman. Bush accepted such a post at one point in his haggling with the Nixon White House. But Bush also sought the United Nations job, arguing that there was a dearth of Nixon advocacy in New York City and the general New York area and that he could fill that need in the New York social circles he would be moving in as Ambassador. Nixon's U.N. Ambassador had been Charles Yost, a Democrat who was leaving. But the White House had already offered that job to Daniel Patrick Moynihan, who had accepted. See what "tangled webs" are woven when evil placements are politically chosen? Note that these APPOINTMENTS of politicians are the ones who run your nation--not those nice Congressmen who you place in Congress--those dupes are in turn controlled by the Political Action Committees in service to the British Zionist Israelis. You-the-people have NO say in your government whatsoever!!!

Political calls were made and other promises made and Moynihan decided that suddenly he did not want the U.N. Ambassador post after all, and with a sigh of relief publicly projected, the White House offered it to Bush. Bush's appointment was announced on December 11, Connally's on December 14. In offering the post to Bush, Haldeman had been brutally frank, telling him that the job, although of cabinet rank, would have no power attached to it. Bush, stressed Haldeman, would be taking orders directly from Kissinger. Even Bush later claimed to have replied: "...even if somebody who took the job didn't understand that, Henry Kissinger would give him a twenty-four hour crash course on the subject."

Nixon told his cabinet and the Republican congressional leadership on December 14, 1970, what had been in the works for some time: that Connally was coming not only as a Democrat but as Secretary of the Treasury for the next two full years. Even more humiliating for Bush was the fact that your hero had been on the receiving end of Connally's assistance. As Nixon told the cabinet: "Connally said he wouldn't take it until George Bush got whatever he was 'entitled to' ." Connally was sure why Bush wanted the appointment to the U.N. but was certainly going to help see to it that he received it. It was this blackmail tactic by Connally that finally prompted Nixon to take care of poor little George. Nixon told Tower that he realized it was hard for him (Tower) but necessary and further told him that he really needed him back in 1972. Tower responded that "I'm a pragmatic man. John Connally is philosophically attuned to you. He is articulate and persuasive. I for one will defend him against those in our own party who will not like him."

Nixon considered Connally to be a possible successor in the presidency--or at least decided to handle him as such until some other means of getting rid of him could be established. Connally's approach to the international monetary crisis then unfolding was that "all foreigners are out to screw us and it's our job to screw them first," as he told C. Fred Bergsten of Kissinger's National Security Council staff. Nixon's bum-bling management of the international monetary crisis was one of the reasons why he was Watergated, and Big Jawn was certainly seen by the financiers as a big part of the problem. Bush was humiliated in this episode, but that is nothing compared to what later happened to both Connally and Nixon. Connally would be indicted while Bush was in Beijing, and later he would face the further humiliation of personal bankruptcy. It seems everyone was to overlook the power of Bush and Kissinger. Bush maintained a smoldering, visceral dislike of Connally and it lasted well into the 1980's. As you all must have noticed during the Gulf War--Bush is no wimp but, rather, a vindictive killer who gets what he wants at whatever the cost to everyone else. He is a true goal-oriented servant of Skull and Bones unto the Evil Empire conspiracy. And, you are ready to keep him in office or give him bigger and higher power with Kissinger come election time--if you make it that far.


Bush appeared before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee for his pro forma and perfunctory confirmation hearings on February 8, 1971. It was a free ride. Many of the Senators had known Prescott Bush, and several were still Prescott's friends. Acting like friends of the family, they gave Bush friendly advice with a tone that was congratulatory and warm, and avoided any tough questions. Stuart Symington warned Bush that he would have to deal with the "duality of authority" between his nominal boss, Secretary of State William Rogers, and his real boss, NSC chief Kissinger. There was only passing reference to Bush's service of the oil cartel during his time in the House, and Bush vehemently denied that he had ever tried to "placate" the "oil interests". Claiborne Pell said that Bush would enhance the luster of the U.N. post. Indeed, as a shining star of the morning.

On policy matters Bush said that it would "make sense" for the U.N. Security Council to conduct a debate on the wars in Laos and Cambodia, which was something that the United States had been attempting to procure for some time. Bush thought that such a debate could be used as a forum to expose the aggressive activities of the North Vietnamese. No Senator asked Bush about China, but Bush told journalists waiting in the hall that the question of China was now under intensive study. The Washington Post was apparently "impressed by Bush's lithe and youthful good looks". Bush was easily confirmed without opposition.

At Bush's swearing-in later in February, Nixon, probably anxious to calm Bush down after the strains of the Connally affair, had recalled that President William McKinley had lost an election in Ohio, but nevertheless gone on to become President. "But I'm not suggesting what office you should seek and at what time," said Nixon. The day before, Senator Adlai Stevenson III of Illinois had told the press that Bush was "totally unqualified" and that his appointment had been "an insult" to the United Nations. Bush presented his credentials on March 1.

Then Bush, "handsome and trim" at 47, moved into a suite at the Waldorf-Astoria Hotel in Manhattan and settled into his usual hyperkinetic, thyroid-driven lifestyle. The Washington Post marveled continually at his "whirlwind schedule" just as they still do, which seemed more suitable for a "political aspirant than one usually associated with a diplomat". He rose every morning at 7:00 A.M., and then mounted his exercycle for a twelve-minute workout while taking in a television news program that also lasted exactly twelve minutes. He ate a small breakfast and left the Waldorf at 8:00, to be driven to the U.S. mission to the U.N. at Turtle Bay where he generally arrived at 8:10. Then he would get the overnight cable traffic from his secretary, Mrs. Aleene Smith, and then went into a conference with his executive assistant, Tom Lais. Later there would be meetings with his two deputies, Ambassadors Christopher Phillips and W. Tapley Bennett of the State Department. Pete Roussel was also still with him as publicity man. No wonder you good taxpayers can't afford to pay your bills with such wondrous numbers on your payrolls.

For Bush, a 16-hour day was more the rule than the exception. You see, he was goal oriented and never lost sight of that goal-- you-the-people start way behind this character out of Hell. His days were packed with one appointment after another, luncheon engagements, receptions, formal dinners--at least one reception and one dinner per day. Sometimes there were three receptions per day--quite an opportunity for networking with like-minded Freemasons from all over the world. Bush also traveled to Washington for cabinet meetings, and still did speaking engagements around the country, especially for Republican candidates. "I try to get to bed by 11:30 if possible," said Bush in 1971, "but often my calendar is so filled that I fall behind in my work and have to take it home with me." Bush bragged that he was still a "pretty tough" doubles player in tennis, good enough to team up with the pros. But he claimed to love baseball most. He joked about questions on his ping pong skills, since these were the months of ping-pong diplomacy, when the invitation for a U.S. ping-pong team to visit Beijing became a part of the preparation for Kissinger's "China card".

Mainly, Bush came on as an ultra-orthodox Nixon loyalist. Was he a liberal conservative? asked a reporter. "People in Texas used to ask me that in the campaigns," replied Bush. "Some even called me a right-wing reactionary. I like to think of myself as a pragmatist, but I have learned to defy being labeled.... What I can say is that I am a strong supporter of the President. If you can tell me what he is, I can tell you what I am." Barbara liked the Waldorf suite and was a very enthusiastic hostess.

Soon after taking up his U.N. posting, Bush received a phone call from Assistant Secretary of State for Middle Eastern Affairs, Joseph Sisco, one of Kissinger's principal henchmen. Sisco had been angered by some comments Bush had made about the Middle East situation in a press conference after presenting his credentials. Despite the fact that Bush, as a cabinet officer, ranked several levels above Sisco, Sisco was in effect the voice of Kissinger. Sisco told Bush that it was Sisco who spoke for the United States government on the Middle East, and that he would do both the on-the-record talking and the leaking about that area. Bush knuckled under, for these were the realities of the Kissinger years.

* * *

Dharma, let us take a break please for the interruptions are getting too hard to overcome. Thank you.

Hatonn to stand-by.



THU., MARCH 26, 1992 3:05 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 223



Henry Kissinger was now Bush's boss even more than Nixon was, and later, as the Watergate scandal progressed into 1973, the dominion of Kissinger would become even more absolute. During these years Bush, serving his apprenticeship in diplomacy and world strategy under Kissinger, became a virtual Kissinger clone in two senses. First, to a significant degree, Kissinger's networks and connections merged together with Bush's own, foreshadowing a 1989 administration in which the NSC director and the number two man in the State Department were both Kissinger's business partners from his consulting and influence peddling firm, Kissinger Associates. Secondly, Bush assimilated Kissinger's characteristic British-style geopolitical mentality and approach to problems, and this is now the epistemology that dictates Bush's own dealing with the main questions of world politics.


The most essential level of Kissinger was the British one. This meant that U.S. foreign policy was to be guided by British imperial geopolitics, in particular the notion of the balance of power: The United States must always ally with the second strongest land power in the world (Red China) against the strongest land power (The U.S.S.R.) in order to preserve the balance of power. I suggest you go back and read the preceding some eight or ten times. Don't believe this? Keep reading. This was clearly and succinctly expressed in the 1971-72 Nixon-Kissinger opening to Beijing, to which Bush would contribute from his U.N. post. The balance of power, since it rules out a positive engagement for the economic progress of the international community as a whole, has always been a recipe for new wars. Kissinger was in constant contact with British foreign policy operatives like Sir Eric Roll of S. G. Warburg in London, Lord Victor Rothschild, the Barings Bank and others.

On May 10, 1982, in a speech entitled "Reflections on a Partnership" given at the Royal Institute of International Affairs at Chatham House in London, Henry Kissinger openly expounded his role and philosophy as a British agent-of-influence within the U.S. government during the Nixon and Ford years:

"The British were so matter-of-fact helpful that they became a participant in internal American deliberations, to a degree probably never before practiced between sovereign nations. In my period in office, the British played a seminal part in certain American bilateral negotiations with the Soviet Union--indeed, they helped draft the key document. In my White House incarnation then, I kept the British Foreign Office better informed and more closely engaged than I did the American State Department.... In my negotiations over Rhodesia I worked from a British draft with British spelling even when I did not fully grasp the distinction between a working paper and a Cabinet-approved document."

Kissinger was also careful to point out that the United States must support colonial and neo-colonial strategies against the developing sector:

"Americans from Franklin Roosevelt onward believed that the United States, with its ' revolutionary' heritage, was the natural ally of people struggling against colonialism; we could win the allegiance of these new nations by opposing and occasionally undermining our European allies in the areas of their colonial dominance. Churchill, of course, resisted these American pressures.... In this context, the experience of Suez is instructive.... Our humiliation of Britain and France over Suez was a shattering blow to these countries' role as world powers. It accelerated their shedding of international responsibilities, some of the consequences of which we saw in succeeding decades when reality forced us to step into their shoes--in the Persian Gulf, to take one notable example. Suez thus added enormously to America's burdens."

Kissinger was the high priest of imperialism and neocolonialism, animated by an instinctive hatred for Indira Gandhi, Aldo Moro, All Bhutto, and other nationalist world leaders. Kissinger's British geopolitics simply accentuated Bush's own fanatically Anglophile point of view, which he had acquired from father Prescott and imbibed from the atmosphere of the family firm, Brown Brothers Harriman, originally the U.S. branch of a British counting house.


Kissinger was and is also a Zionist, dedicated to economic, diplomatic, and military support of Israeli aggression and expansionism to keep the Middle East in turmoil, so as to prevent Arab unity and Arab economic development while using the region to mount challenges to the Soviets. In this he was a follower of British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli and Lord Balfour. In the 1973 Middle East war which he had connived to unleash, Kissinger would mastermind the U.S. resupply of Israel and would declare a U.S.-worldwide thermonuclear alert. In later years, Kissinger would enrich himself through speculative real estate purchases on the West Bank of the Jordan, buying up land and buildings that had been virtually confiscated from de-fenseless Palestinian Arabs.

Kissinger was also Soviet in a sense that went far beyond his sponsorship of the 1970's detente, SALT I, and the ABM treaty with Moscow. Polish KGB agent Michael Goleniewski is widely reported to have told the British government in 1972 that he had seen KGB documents in Poland before his 1959 defection which established that Kissinger was a Soviet asset. Kissinger had been recruited by the Soviets during his Army service in Germany after the end of World War II, when he had worked as a humble chauffeur. Now, in addition, I hope that you readers are keeping uppermost in your minds that in this new "Post Cold War" era in Russia that the first internationally MAJOR company in Moscow is KISSINGER ASSOCIATES the head of which is now Gorbachev!!! This is not only known and sanctioned by the joint "Intelligence" Services but is wholly protected and guarded at YOUR expense by your CIA operatives in Moscow. This same scenario was established fully in Red China--with Kissinger Associates.

I certainly do hope that you are beginning to suspect that you do not get NEWS! If you can keep something the size of the invasion of Pearl Harbor and the lies of a President's assassination from you-the-people, how much easier it is now to control the press and media and keep anything and everything unwanted for your eyes and ears--from you. They can tell you black is white and you don't know the difference but, rather, think there is some new food dye afoot.

Kissinger was recruited to an espionage cell called ODRA, where he received the code name of "BOR" or "COLONEL BOR". This group was largely composed of homosexuals, and homosexuality was a most important part of the way that Kissinger had been picked up by the KGB. The late James Jesus Angleton, of whom we have been extensively writing, was the CIA Counterintelligence Director for 20 years up to 1973, and was the U.S. official who was given the reports thereof by the British. Angleton later talked a lot about Kissinger being "objectively a Soviet agent". Angleton had the information investigated under a codename and found Kissinger to be everything the service could desire and was notified that Kissinger would be coming aboard whether or not it was liked by the CIA.


Kissinger's Chinese side was very much in evidence during 1971-73 and beyond; during these years he was obsessed with anything remotely connected with China and sought to monopolize decisions and contacts with the highest levels of the Chinese leadership. This attitude was dictated most of all by the British mentality and geopolitical considerations indicated above, but it is also unquestionable that Kissinger felt a strong personal affinity for Chou En-lai, Mao Tse-tung, and the other Chinese leaders, who had been responsible for the genocide of 100 million of their own people after 1949.

Kissinger possessed other dimensions in addition to these, including close links to the Zionist underworld. These would also look very, very large in George Bush's career and will continue to become ever larger.

At the time in point and with all of the Kissingerian enormities, Bush became the principal spokesman. In the process, he was to become a Kissinger clone.

This is often referred to as "The China Card". The defining events in the first year of Bush's U.N. tenure reflected Kissinger's geopolitical obsession with his China card. Remember that in his 1964 campaign, Bush had stated that Red China must never be admitted to the U.N. and that if Beijing ever obtained the Chinese seat on the Security Council, the U.S.A. must depart forthwith from the world body. This statement came back to haunt him once or twice. His stock answer went like this: "That was 1964, a long time ago. There's been a awful lot of changes since... A person who is unwilling to admit that changes have taken place is out of things these days. President Nixon is not being naive in his China policy. He is recognizing the reality of today, not the realities of seven years ago." The only thing changed in this world, friends, are the lies they tell you while they wrap the bindings tighter and tighter and get you backed into a corner wherein you are TRAPPED--FOREVER!


I am continually asked, these days, "What about Brown and can't we support him?" Of course you can support him and it will be a grass-roots wonder--HOWEVER--he only plans to alter slightly the map--not the road. Does he know better? NO! He really thinks he has the world by the tail now and who knows, perhaps he does. He has announced that Jesse Jackson will be his running-mate. Boy, doesn't that sound good? Well, in fact, if Jackson comes in he will demand that Washington D.C. be made the 51st State--negating your CONSTITUTION instantly. Next, Jesse Jackson is a member of "the organization" of the Elite Conspiracy, The Council on Foreign Relations. Chelas, I KNOW it is bewildering and baffling--I can only ask that you study ALL the information I have given unto you for I gave these things to you over and over--long ago. I can offer the information--no more--for YOU must take the lessons. These webs are so tangled that I cannot give you a five-minute overview of the Universe and wham-bam, its done and you are in total wisdom. I remind you--"I" don't have to do anything. I have a magnificent silver ship that has every technology as is available in the Universe--"I" certainly do not need any of your headaches nor do I need to bargain with, lift off, argue or do anything else "with" or "for" you. Now that we have that clear--I assure you that I do have a mission and I shall see to it that it is done--that is to bring the Word of Truth unto you and it is strictly up to you as to what you do with it.

Ones suggest that I must continue to spoon-feed and chew your food and take your medicine for you--NO, I DO NOT! YOU DUMPED YOUR LOAD OF GUILT AND SIN ON THE CROSS OF ONE BEFORE ME--YE SHALL NOT DO THAT TO ME OR TO "MINE" AGAIN!

God gave unto you every wondrous miracle creation you could desire and you have turned and spat in His face for the effort--so, continue to do that which you will for the reward shall be solely in like-manner of actions and intent. Forgiveness has nothing to do with it for it is not even in question--intent and actions are all that merits consideration. YOU WILL NOT TELL ME WHO I HAVE TO TAKE OR WHO I SHALL LEAVE AND I SUGGEST WE UNDERSTAND THAT WITHOUT ARGUMENT RIGHT NOW. YOUR OPINION IS PERFECTLY FINE--IT SIMPLY HAPPENS TO BE FACT THAT YOUR OPINION MAKES NOT ONE IOTA OF DIFFERENCE TO ME.


One of the realities of 1971 was that the bankrupt British had declared themselves to be financially unable to maintain their military presence in the Indian Ocean and the Far East, in the area "East of Suez". Part of the timing of the Kissinger China card was dictated by the British desire to acquire China as a counterweight to India in this vast area of the world, and also to insure a U.S. military presence in the Indian Ocean, as seen later in the U.S. development of an important base on the island of Diego Garcia.

On a world tour during 1969, Nixon had told President Yahya Khan, the dictator of Pakistan, that his administration wanted to normalize relations with Red China and wanted the help of the Pakistani government in exchanging messages. Regular meetings between the United States and Beijing had gone on for many years in Warsaw, but what Nixon was talking about was a total reversal of U.S. China policy. Up until 1971, the U.S.A. had recognized the government of the Republic of China on Taiwan as the sole sovereign and legitimate authority over China. The United States, unlike Britain, France, and many other Western countries, had no diplomatic relations with the Beijing Communist regime.

The Chinese seat among the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council was held by the government of Taipei. Every year in the early autumn there was an attempt by the non-aligned bloc to oust Taipei from the Security Council and replace them with Beijing, but the vote had always failed because of U.S. arm-twisting in Latin America and the rest of the Third World. One of the reasons that this arrangement had endured so long was the immense prestige of R.O.C. President Chiang Kai-shek and the sentimental popularity of the Kuomintang with the American electorate. There still was a very powerful China lobby, which was especially strong among right-wing Republicans of what had been the Taft and Knowland factions of the party, and which Goldwater continued. In the midst of the Vietnam non-War (officially), with U.S. strategic and economic power in decline, the Anglo-American elite decided in favor of a geopolitical alliance with China against the Soviets for the foreseeable future. This meant that the honor of U.S. commitments to the R.O.C. had to be dumped overboard as so much useless ballast, whatever the domestic political consequences might be. This was the task given to Kissinger, Nixon, and George Bush.


The maneuver on the agenda for 1971 was to oust the R.O.C. from the U.N. Security Council and assign their seat to Beijing. Kissinger and Nixon calculated that duplicity would insulate them from domestic political damage: While they were opening to Beijing, they would call for a "two Chinas" policy, under which both Beijing and Taipei would be represented at the U.N., at least in the General Assembly, despite the fact that this was an alternative that both Chinese governments vehemently rejected. The U.S.A. would pretend to be fighting to keep Taipei in the U.N., with George Bush leading the fake charge, but this effort would be defeated. Then the Nixon Administration could claim that the vote in the U.N. was beyond its control, comfortably resign itself to Beijing in the Security Council, and pursue the China card. What was called for was a cynical, duplicitous diplomatic charade in which Bush would have the leading part.

This scenario was complicated by the rivalry between Secretary of State Rogers and NSC boss Kissinger. Rogers was an old friend of Nixon, but it was of course Kissinger who made foreign policy for Nixon and the rest of the government, and Kissinger who was incomparably the greater evil. Between Rogers and Kissinger, Bush was unhesitatingly on the side of Kissinger. In later congressional testimony, former CIA official Ray Cline tried to argue that Rogers and Bush were kept in the dark by Nixon and Kissinger about the real nature of the U.S. China policy. The implication is that Bush's efforts to keep Taiwan at the U.N. were in good faith. According to Cline's fantastic account, "Nixon and Kissinger actually 'undermined' the department's efforts in 1971 to save Taiwan." Rogers may have believed that helping Taiwan was U.S. policy, but Bush did not. Cline's version of those events is an insult to the intelligence of any serious person.

The Nixon-era China card took shape during July 1971 with Kissinger's "Operation Marco Polo I", his secret first trip to Beijing. Kissinger says in his own memoirs that Bush was considered a candidate to make this journey, along with David Bruce, Elliot Richardson, Nelson Rockefeller, and Al Haig. Kissinger first journeyed to India, and then to Pakistan. From there, with the help of Yahya Khan, Kissinger went on to Beijing for meetings with Chou En-lai and other Chinese officials. He returned by way of Paris, where he met with North Vietnamese negotiator Le Duc Tho at the Paris talks on Indo-China. Returning to Washington, Kissinger briefed Nixon on his under-standing with Zhou. On July 15, 1971 Nixon announced to a huge television and radio audience that he had accepted "with pleasure" an invitation to visit China at some occasion before May of 1972. He lamely assured "old friends" (meaning Chiang Kai-shek and the R.O.C. government on Taiwan) that their interests would not be sacrificed. Later in the same year, between October 16 and 26, Kissinger undertook operation "Polo II", a second, public visit with Zhou in Beijing to decide the details of Nixon's visit and hammer out what was to become the U.S.-P.R.C. Shanghai Communique, the joint statement issued during Nixon's stay. During this visit, Zhou cautioned Kissinger not to be disoriented by the hostile Beijing propaganda line against the U.S.A., manifestations of which were everywhere to be seen. Anti-U.S. slogans on the walls, said Zhou, were meaningless, like "firing an empty cannon". Nixon and Kissinger eventually journeyed to Beijing in February of 1972.


It was before this backdrop that Bush waged his farcical campaign to keep Taiwan in the U.N. The State Department had stated through the mouth of Rogers on August 2 that the United States would support the admission of Red China to the U.N., but would oppose the expulsion of Taiwan. This was the so-called "two Chinas" policy. In an August 12 interview, Bush told the Washington Post that he was working hard to line up the votes to keep Taiwan as a U.N. member when the time to vote came in the fall. Responding to the obvious impression that this was a fraud for domestic political purposes only, Bush pledged his honor on Nixon's commitment to "two Chinas". "I know for a fact that the President wants to see the policy implemented," said Bush, with his usual straight "lips moving" face. He added that he had discussed the matter with Nixon and Kissinger at the White House only a few days before. Bush said that he and other members of his mission had lobbied 66 countries so far, and that this figure was likely to rise to 80 by the following week. Ultimately Bush would claim to have talked personally with 94 delegations to get them to let Taiwan stay, which a fel-low diplomat called "a quantitative track record".

It was noted that the U.S. activity was entirely confined to the high-profile "glass palace" of the U.N., and that virtually nothing was being done by U.S. ambassadors in capitals around the world. But Bush countered that if it were just a question of going through the motions as a gesture for Taiwan, he would not be devoting so much of his time and energy to the cause. The main effort was at the U.N. because "this is what the U.N. is for", he commented. Bush said that his optimism about keeping the Taiwan membership had increased over the past three weeks.

By late September, Bush was saying that he saw a better than 50-50 chance that the U.N. General Assembly would seat both Chinese governments. By this time, the official U.S. position as enunciated by Bush was that the Security Council seat should go to Beijing, but that Taipei ought to be allowed to remain in the General Assembly. Since 1961, the U.S. strategy for blocking the admission of Beijing had depended on a procedural defense, obtaining a simple majority of the General Assembly for a resolution defining the seating of Beijing as an important question, which required a two-thirds majority in order to be implemented. Thus, if the U.S.A. could get a simple majority on the procedural vote, one-third plus one would suffice to defeat Beijing on the second vote.

The General Assembly convened on September 21. Bush and his aides were running a ludicrous full-court press on scores of delegations. Twice a day, there was a State Department briefing on the vote tally. "Yes, Burundi is with us.... About Argentina we're not sure," etc. All this attention got Bush an appearance on Face the Nation, where he said that the two-Chinas policy should be approved regardless of the fact that both Beijing and Taipei rejected it. "I don't think we have to go through the agony of whether the Republic of China will accept or whether Beijing will accept," Bush told the interviewers. "Let the United Nations for a change do something that really does face up to reality and then let that decision be made by the parties involved," said Bush with his usual inimitable rhetorical flair.

The U.N. debate on the China seat was scheduled to open on October 18; on October 12, Nixon gave a press conference in which he totally ignored the subject, and made no appeal for support for Taiwan. On October 16, Kissinger departed with great fanfare for Beijing. Kissinger says in his memoirs that he had been encouraged to go to Beijing by Bush, who assured him that a highly publicized Kissinger trip to Beijing would have no impact whatever on the U.N. vote. On October 25, the General Assembly defeated the U.S. resolution to make the China seat an "Important Question" by a vote of 59-54, with 15 abstentions. Ninety minutes later came the vote on the Albanian resolution to seat Beijing and expel Taipei, which passed by a vote of 76 to 35. Are you beginning to recognize the tactics? Bush then cast the U.S. vote to seat Beijing, and then hurried to escort the R.O.C. delegate, Liu Chieh, out of the hall for the last time. Do you actually think it disturbs Bush to have you complain about his "lips"? The General Assembly was the scene of a jubilant demonstration led by Third World delegates over the fact that Red China had been admitted, and even more so that the United States had been defeated. The Tanzanian delegate danced a jig in the aisle. Henry Kissinger, flying back from Beijing, got the news on his teletype and praised Bush's "valiant efforts"-- read their lips.

Having connived in selling Taiwan down the river, it was now an easy matter for the Nixon regime to fake a great deal of indignation for domestic political consumption about what had happened. Nixon's spokesman Ron Ziegler declared that Nixon had been outraged by the "spectacle" of the "cheering, hand-clapping and dancing" delegates after the vote, which Nixon had seen as a "shocking demonstration" of "undisguised glee" and "personal animosity"--oh barf!! Notice that Ziegler had nothing to say against the vote, or against Beijing, but concentrated the fire on the Third World delegates, who were also threatened with a cutoff of U.S. foreign aid.

This was the line that Bush would slavishly follow. On the last day of October, the papers quoted him as saying that the demonstration after the vote was "something ugly, something harsh that transcended normal disappointment or elation." "I really thought we were going to win," said Bush, still with that lying straight face with moving lips. "I am so...disappointed." "There wasn't just clapping and enthusiasm," after the vote, he whined. "When I went up to speak I was hissed and booed. I don't think it's good for the United Nations and that's the point I feel very strongly about." In the view of a Washington Post staff writer, "The boyish looking U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations looked considerably the worse for wear. But he still conveys the impression of an earnest fellow trying to be the class valedictorian, as he once was described."

* * *

Bush expected the Beijing delegation to arrive in New York soon, because they probably wanted to take over the presidency of the Security Council, which rotated on a monthly basis. "But why anybody would want an early case of chicken pox, I don't know," said Bush with that same indignant straight face.

When the Beijing delegation did arrive, Chinese Deputy Foreign Minister Ch'aio Kuan-hua delivered a maiden speech full of ideological bombast along the lines of passages Kissinger had convinced Zhou to cut out of the draft text of the Shanghai Communique some days before. Kissinger then telephoned Bush to say in his own speech that the United States regretted that the Chinese had elected to inaugurate their participation in the U.N. by "firing these empty cannons of rhetoric". Bush, like a ventriloquist's wooden dummy with movable lips, obediently mouthed Kissinger's one-liner as a coded message to Beijing that all the public bluster meant nothing and was right on target as planned. These two allies were already deep into the secret and increasingly public partnership.

This is why I suggest you attend that which "appears" to be happening around your globe and consider the truth of what is lying behind the lies.


You are run by the United Nations under the control of these Conspirators who have actually now absorbed your country and set aside your Constitution, America. You allowed this to happen the minute the treaties and agreements were set forth in the United Nations. Bush has total control of your nation according to his Executive Authority through granted resources and control set up through FEMA and he sits and laughs at you as you dangle and grumble in the winds. This bunch of Global terrorists know exactly what they are doing and the work they do this very day may well set your entire atmosphere afire. Do you actually think they are giving you a "heavenly light show" and training your children to listen FOR ELF BLASTS? Oh, indeed, the low frequency phasers are at work--and right now, out of control. It is exactly like saying to the world--" ...now everyone listen and you will hear the last sound you will ever hear!" The next experience will be oblivion!

Moreover--do you actually believe the lies regarding the Russian delay on bringing their cosmonauts back? Lack of money? Come, come--you hit their craft for there is no need whatsoever to have a nearly crippled cosmonaut come off anything--the space stations allow full activities. Indeed yes, this day you have gone a bit too far and the "Bear" is ready to eat you alive. READ MY LIPS!

Allow us rest, Dharma. Thank you for service. It has been an incredibly long and tedious day of sorting and extinguishing fires and distractions but that, too, comes in the course of "living". I shall, however, withdraw you from much of it for you cannot be all unto all and ones are going to begin to take responsibility for their actions for I cannot do more to help them understand how it IS and it is not yours to handle--release it.

As readers, I suggest that to ones who can't make up their minds how they feel about "Command", God or Spiritual matters-- PAY ATTENTION—FOR TRUTH IS COMING WHETHER OR NOT THEY LIKE OF IT AND RESOURCE OF TRUTH IS OF NO IMPORTANCE WHATSOEVER. SALU.



FRI., MARCH 27, 1992 9:41 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 224

FRIDAY, MARCH 27, 1922



"THE PHASER CANNONS HAVE BLOWN THEIR FUSES" is what the "news" reports say this day. Fuses? Brothers, you are in such terrible circumstances that I know not how to impress you with the serious plight. Neither is any of this "stuff" coming from a nice new shuttle craft launched for your visual deceit a few days past. You are basically into and within a "Space War" which will surely fall-out onto your surface. This is a war that the U.S. CANNOT WIN. So be it.

The current lies regarding "Northern Lights" and phaser beams and other excuses for the heinous experiments and testings going on through your grid system are inexcusable. A chain reaction was begun along the system and we have managed to get it stopped but the idiots simply plan to desperately try the whole experiment again. I simply cannot say whether or not your orb can stand such bombardment. In this very process, every one of your inhabitants was struck by low frequency beams which has, if nothing else, caused mass confusion in heavily targeted areas--which, of course, is exactly the plan.

There were many messages intended for the ones who know circumstances and intent but you are in serious trouble. You Americans have terminally damaged a Soviet Space Station and, fortunately for you, the Cosmonauts were brought back from one of the shuttle craft damaged by the assault. The Cosmosphere Command is in the process of deciding what to do about the attack and herein you are dealing with MEN who have great power--greater than any weapons you of the U.S. have to counter. Space Command (WE) brought the reaction of the electromagnetic field under control but YOU ARE DEALING NOW WITH MEN--SOVIET MEN. I SUGGEST YOU KEEP YOUR GOGGLES HANDY AT ALL TIMES BECAUSE THEY CAN DRAIN OFF THE ELECTRONIC PLASMA SHIELD UNDER WHICH YOUR HOODLUMS WORK.


As you read along in this information you will note that clandestine activities are not new and were not new at the assassination (MURDER) of John Kennedy. To assume that such a remarkable organization will allow any incriminating evidence to slip through the sieve of operatives is as ridiculous as believing that all those evil conspirators will come forth and commit suicide having found that God disapproves of murder. There have been some thirty years to wipe all that evidence from the files. Do you not think that in that amount of time, without half trying, all documents are destroyed or reconstructed? I note that every typewriter and computer has the ability to print anything put in by any and all keystrikes. I could date this very document October 23, 1963, carry through with the timing and YOU WOULD NEVER KNOW THE DIFFERENCE.



One of Colby's principal functions was to strengthen the Vietnamese economy in order to improve the lot of the average Vietnamese peasant, and thereby make him less susceptible to Vietcong appeals and more loyal to the Thieu government. To win over the peasants, Colby insisted that corruption within the Saigon government had to be greatly reduced. At one point he even proposed a systematic campaign called the "Honor the Nation" program, which was to be an attack on illegal practices at all levels of Vietnamese society. At that time Colby was well aware that black-market trafficking in money was one of the biggest corruption problems in Vietnam. All U.S. personnel in Vietnam were under strict orders not to buy Vietnamese piasters on the black market, and a number of Americans had either been court-martialed by the military or fired by their civilian agencies for violating these orders. But Colby also knew that for many years the CIA had been obtaining tens of millions of dollars in piasters on the black market, either in Hong Kong or in Saigon. In this way the agency could get two to three times as much buying power for its American dollars. Additionally, the Clandestine Services claimed, black market piasters were untraceable and thus ideal for secret operations. Given more than 500,000 Americans in Vietnam all using Vietnamese piasters, and a chaotic Vietnamese banking system, the CIA could of course have obtained untraceable or "sterile" money without resorting to the black market. Although from a strict budgetary point of view the agency's currency purchases were sound fiscal policy, they directly violated both Vietnamese law and U.S. official policy. Moreover, the purchases helped to keep alive the black market which the U.S. government was professedly working to stamp out.

During the mid-1960's while Colby was still in Washington, the Bureau of the Budget learned that the CIA budget for Vietnam provided for dollar expenditures figured at the legal exchange rate. Since in truth the agency was buying its piasters on the black market, it actually had two to three times more piasters to spend in Vietnam than its budget showed. The Bureau of the Budget then insisted that all figures be listed at the actual black-market rate, so at least examiners of the agency's budget in Washington would have a true idea of how much money the CIA was spending. The bureau then also tried to cut U.S. government costs by having the CIA buy piasters for other agencies on the black market. The agency was unenthusiastic about this idea and managed to avoid doing it, not because massive black-market purchases would have negated the government's avowed efforts to support the piaster, but because the agency did not want the secrecy of its money-exchange operation disturbed.

Compared to other aspects of the Vietnam war, the CIA's use of the black market is not a major issue. It simply points up the fact that the CIA is not bound by the same rules that apply to the rest of the government. The Central Intelligence Agency Act of 1949 makes this clear: "The sums made available to the Agency may be expended without regard to the provisions of law and regulations relating to the expenditures of Government." The CIA in Vietnam even escaped the Johnson administration's worldwide edict that all cars purchased by the American government would be of American manufacture. While State Department and AID personnel were forced to navigate Saigon's narrow streets in giant Chevrolets and Plymouths, the agency motorpool was full of much smaller and more practical Japanese Toyotas. [H: Now I ask you, is it not fun to unravel the web and find all those tid-bits which YOU THOUGHT were new in today's concerns?]

Thus, a William Colby can, with no legal or ethical conflict, propose programs to end corruption in Vietnam while at the same time condoning the CIA's dubious money practices. And extending the concept of the agency's immunity to law and morals, a Colby can devise and direct terror tactics, secret wars and the like, all in the name of democracy. This is the clandestine mentality: a separation of personal morality and conduct from actions, no matter how debased, which are taken in the name of the United States government and, more specifically, the Central Intelligence Agency.

When Colby left his post as deputy ambassador to Vietnam in 1971, the CIA immediately "rehired" him, and Director Helms appointed him Executive Director-Comptroller, the number-three position in the agency. When James Schlesinger took over the agency in early 1973, he made Colby chief of the Clandestine Services. In May 1973, at the height of the personnel shake-ups caused by the Watergate affair, President Nixon moved Schlesinger to the Defense Department and named Colby to head the CIA. Thus, after about four months under the directorship of the outsider Schlesinger, control of the agency was again in the hands of a clandestine operator.


[H: When Watergate is under reference, it must always be remembered that the break-in was to retrieve PICTURES which were being held for blackmail which totally incriminated E. Howard Hunt, Nixon and George Bush as being present and INVOLVED INTIMATELY AND DIRECTLY WITH THE ASSASSINATION OF JFK. MOREOVER, YOU WILL FIND KISSINGER AND OTHER VERY HIGH-OPERATIVES AND POLITICIANS INVOLVED TO THEIR BLACK EVIL HEARTS.]

Senator Harold Hughes, for one, expressed grave reservations about Colby's appointment as CIA Director in a Senate speech on August 1, 1973: "I am fearful of a man whose experience has been so largely devoted to clandestine operations involving the use of force and manipulation of factions in foreign governments. Such a man may become so enamored with these techniques that he loses sight of the higher purposes and moral constraints which should guide our country's activities abroad."

* * *

Deeply embedded within the clandestine mentality is the belief that human ethics and social laws have no bearing on covert operations or their practitioners. The intelligence profession, because of its lofty "natural security" goals, is free from all moral restrictions. There is no need to wrestle with technical legalisms or judgments as to whether something is right or wrong. The determining factors in secret operations are purely pragmatic: Does the job need to be done? Can it be done? And can secrecy (or plausible denial) be maintained? [H: Do you not think that all of these questions are pretty well covered in the release of any secret documents as might be released by the CIA? The need is certainly there to make covering documents which clean the actions: it certainly needs to be done if the CIA is to be cleared and acceptance of the "fixed" Warren Commission (by the way, Earl Warren and Gerald Ford are both members of the Committee of 300!) is to be received by the "people". It also CAN BE DONE-- EASILY AND WITHOUT DIVULGING ONE IOTA OF SECRECY AND ALLOW THAT PLAUSIBLE DENIAL TO BE MAINTAINED. WAKE UP, "WE-THE-PEOPLE"!!]

One of the lessons learned from the Watergate experience is the scope of this amorality and its influence on the clandestine mentality. E. Howard Hunt claimed that his participation in the Watergate break-in and the other operations of the plumbers group was in "what I believed to be the...the best interest of my country." [H: Facts are that the "opposition" had pictures of Hunt with firing gun in action.] In this instance, at least, we can accept Hunt as speaking sincerely. He was merely reflecting an attitude that is shared by most CIA operators when carrying out the orders of their superiors.

Hunt expanded on this point when interrogated before a federal grand jury in April 1973 by Assistant U.S. Attorney Earl Silbert.

SILBERT: Now while you worked at the White House, were you ever a participant or did you ever have knowledge of any other so-called "bag job" or entry operations?

HUNT: No, sir.

SILBERT: Were you aware of or did you participate in any other what might commonly be referred to as illegal activities?

HUNT: Illegal?

SILBERT: Yes, sir.

HUNT: I have no recollection of any, no sir.

SILBERT: What about clandestine activities?

HUNT: Yes, sir.

SILBERT: All right. What about that?

HUNT: I'm not quibbling, but there's quite a difference between something that's illegal and something that's clandestine. [H: THERE IS ALSO A MASSIVE DIFFERENCE IN WHAT IS "ILLEGAL" AND WHAT IS "UNLAWFUL".]

SILBERT: Well, in your terminology, would the entry into Mr. Fielding's (Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist) office have been clandestine, illegal, neither or both?

HUNT: I would simply call it an entry operation conducted under the auspices of competent authority.

[H: So when you get released documents which are altered, reproduced, conjured, etc., you will find it all simply under "the auspices of competent authority". In the instance of release of Assassination related documents--it will be directly under the auspices of the President of the United States to cover his own assets and those of his buddies in crime. That "President" by the way, lest you forget--IS GEORGE HERBERT WALKER BUSH--who was, AT THE TIME, AN ACTIVE MEMBER AND OPERATIVE OF THE CIA.]]

Within the CIA, similar activities are undertaken with the consent of "competent authority". The Watergate conspirators, assured that "national security" was at stake, did not question the legality or the morality of their methods; nor do most CIA operators. [H: Harken back to the weeping "patriot", Oliver North, as he lied directly to the Congress and to you-the-people and you wanted to run him for President because of his criminal activities!] Hundreds if not thousands of CIA men have participated in similar operations, usually--but not always--in foreign countries; all such operations are executed in the name of "national security". The clandestine mentality not only allows it; it veritably WILLS IT.


In early October, 1969, the CIA learned through a secret agent that a group of radicals was about to hijack a plane in Brazil and escape to Cuba. This intelligence was forwarded to CIA headquarters in Langley, Virginia and from there sent on an "eyes only" basis to Henry Kissinger at the White House and top officials of the State Department, the Defense Department, and the National Security Agency. Within a few days, on October 8, the same radicals identified in the CIA report commandeered at gunpoint a Brazilian commercial airliner with 49 people aboard, and after a refueling stop in Guyana, forced the pilot to fly to Havana. Neither the CIA nor the other agencies of the U.S. government which had advance warning of the radicals' plans moved to stop the crime from being committed, although at the time the official policy of the United States--as enunciated by the President--was to take all possible measures to stamp our aerial piracy.

Afterwards, when officials of the State Department questioned their colleagues in the CIA on why preventive measures had not been taken to abort the hijacking, the agency's clandestine operators delayed more than a month before responding. During the interim, security forces in Brazil succeeded in breaking up that country's principal revolutionary group and killing its leader, Carlos Marighella. Shortly after the revolutionary leader's death on November 4, the CIA informally passed word back to the State Department noting that if any action had been taken to stop the October skyjacking, the agency's penetration of the radical movement might have been exposed and Marighella's organization could not have been destroyed. While it was never quite clear whether the agent who alerted the clandestine operators to the hijacking had also fingered Marighella, that was the impression the CIA tried to convey to the State Department. The agency implied it had not prevented the hijacking because to have done so would have lessened the chances of scoring the more important goal of "neutralizing" Marighella and his followers. To the CIA's clandestine operators, the end--wiping out the Brazilian radical movement--apparently had justified the means, thus permitting the hijacking to take place and needlessly endangering forty-nine innocent lives in the process.

During the next twenty-five years American foreign policy was to be dominated (and still is) by the concept of containing Communism; almost always the means employed in pursuit of "national security" have been justified by the end. Since the "free world" was deemed to be under attack by a determined enemy, sincere men in the highest government posts believed--and still do believe--that their country could not survive without resorting to the same distasteful methods employed by the other side. In recent years the intensity of the struggle has been reduced as monolithic Communism has split among several centers of power; as a result, there have been tactical changes in America's conduct of foreign affairs. Yet the feeling remains strong among the nation's top officials, in the CIA and elsewhere, that America is responsible for what happens in other countries and that it has an inherent right--a sort of modern Manifest Destiny--to intervene in other countries' internal affairs. Changes may have occurred at the negotiating table, but not in the planning arena; intervention--either military or covert--is still the rule.

* * *


I would like to leave this chapter at this point and take up the subject of Robert Robertson (Martyr).

As you readers accept this next I want you to bear uppermost in mind: It is not the beliefs of the man in point and it is not the guilt or innocence of the man as valid to his incarceration and/or sentence--OUR ASSISTANCE TO THE MAN IS CAUSED BY UNLAWFUL (UNCONSTITUTIONAL) TREATMENT OF THE PERSON IN POINT. I must, however, leave it in the hands of the Constitutional Law Center as to whether or not they pursue this matter for I have just been denied entry into the case in point and I hereby withdraw from participation. I suggest that a copy of my letter to "Mr. Martyr" be printed also in this edition of the paper so that the readers have access to why this reprint of Mr. Martyr's letter.

I do not interject into any situation, right or wrong, in projection when denounced. I believe that Mr. Martyr decides that which will be beneficial to his own character and it would appear that the entire point of participation of you precious readers has been sorely overlooked. I also object to such insidious assumptions as to placing Sandy Green into the category of "earthbound female redneck". Sandy simply did as asked and sent forth information as requested. I, further, do not think that shooting "three Scum-Punks" is recommendation for release without question. THE ONLY QUESTION IN POINT IS REGARDING CONSTITUTIONAL LAW REGARDING SENTENCE AND/OR TREATMENT OF THIS INDIVIDUAL IN POINT--AND THAT IS UP TO THE LAW CENTER AS TO WHETHER OR NOT THEY WISH TO PURSUE IT FURTHER. Mr. Martyr has sent America West an "ad" with a $200 check enclosed to allow printing. America West does not accept advertising in this manner and therefore the $200 will be returned to the sender. I request that we print all the documents in hand for you readers, including the "ad", and then we shall have to give less space in the LIBERATOR to this matter. You will find that God treads not where not invited--so it behooves all ones to discern most clearly WHO IS GOD AND WHO ARE HIS MESSENGERS!


March 23rd, '92.

Dear Sandy Green;

I got a letter from Hatonn, which I am going to consider in my "RED NECK" ways to be a letter from Sandy Green. It is a lot easier for us Red Necks to relate to a Sandy Green, an Earth Bound female, than to relate to a Hatonn, Commander of the Sky Ship Enterprise, of the United Federation of Planets; Capt. Kirk at the controls.

I am a Libertarian Red Neck. What that means is this: You believe in what you want to believe in, & I'll believe in what "I" want to believe in. What I believe in, is pretty far to the RIGHT. If you want to believe in Flying Saucers then that is perfectly FINE with me, I don't mind. If you want to ACT OUT under the CODE NAME Commander Haton of the Star Ship HOST OF GOD; then that is OK with me. I am NOT going to CON YOU, into to telling you that, "YEAH, I believe in ALL that". You see, Sandy, if I were a CON, I wouldn't even BE locked up behind BARS right now. If I were a CON, I would of Conned MY way into a DISCHARGE, way back in 1978, by the latest. All that I would have to have done, is to LIE my ASS OFF to a Psychologist Sullivan, way back in 1978, & I would have been FULL DISCHARGED. Just 30 minutes of Lying, & I could have been so-called FREE 14 years ago. The only reason that that I am locked up now, is because: I DON'T LIE. Every other reason for being locked up is either:

  1. A Secondary Reason such as: Poverty, No Lawyer, I Shot 3 Scum-Punks, Etc

  2. Is a BULL SHIT Reason such as: Mental Illness, Criminal Acts, Refusal to accept Treatment, Etc....

I DO NOT believe in any Flying Saucers, I will NEVER LIE to you, by saying that, oh now I DO BELIEVE in Flying Saucers.

BUT: You may believe in Flying Saucers if you want to, it is OK with me.

Here are 2 THINGS that I must take issue with you on:

  1. Do NOT send the letters c/o Bernard Mailman. I find it to be VERY INSULTING & EMBARRASSING, to have to get a letter that was sent c/o a low functioning NUT, who in fact is no longer even on the same Cell Block with me. IF YOU want to write to Bernard Mailman, then you must send him a separate letter. If you want to write to me, then you must use ONLY my name. You can NOT say, well there are 2 NUTS at this Nut House, & so I kill 2 Nuts with the same letter.

  2. As far as ALL those Scum Bags are concerned who don't like my writings, I can only say, TUFF SHIT. You see, it is ME who does NOT like THEM! So, if in turn they DO NOT LIKE ME, well then that really doesn't cut any ICE, with me. You see, I believe that GOD supports my work. My work is TRUE. The opinions of DEMONS is important to me, only in that-- DON'T WANT THEIR GOOD WILL. I am NOT in the BUSINESS to WIN the GOOD WILL of DEMONS. So I DO CARE WHAT DEMONS HAVE TO SAY, BECAUSE, I WANT TO BE SURE THAT WE ARE NOT SAYING THE SAME THING. If you were to write me a letter, & were to say that, "ALL THE DEMONS AGREE WITH YOU NOW, ROBERT MARTYR"; then I would CHANGE my MESSAGE. But when you write to me a letter, in which you say that, "ALL THE DEMONS ARE OPPOSED TO YOU", then I say, "WELL THAT IS JUST WONDERFUL"!!!!

Blessings unto you, I come in TRUTH from the land of Sodomy,

Robert R. Martyr

Oh, & that REMINDS ME: I don't want to see anymore of this: Dear Mr. Robertson a.k.a. Martyr; either pass the word onto Hatonn, too. I have given you my correct name in past letters, you have used my correct name in the past letters, and so in the future I will not read any letter that does NOT begin with the correct name, just as I use it, which is:

Robert R. Martyr-or-Robert Martyr (The R. is optional)

I don't NEED a Mr., but some people feel that they Must use a Mr., & so if you must, then you must.

Thank You, Robert R. Martyr, 348-C

2600 Center street, N.E.

Salem, OR 97310

Robert R. Martyr, 48-C, Victim of God's Enemies, 2600 Center St. N.E., Salem, OR 97310--(Signature).


* * *

Readers, I have presented this information unto you for a very good reason. You cannot make judgments nor can you discern anything accurately without knowing facts and gaining insight into the whole of an issue.

I do not use Robert Martyr as anything other than as example of explanation.

He has obviously "lied" even in his denial of same. One thing factual upon which to base this discernment is that in all his ads he has proclaimed innocence of any wrong-doing and I personally consider shooting of 3 Scum-Punks quite unacceptable. (I am told the shootings were over the smoking of cigarettes in his presence. This is hardly "self-defense". However, I have also been told the three men in point entered his home uninvited. The truth will emerge, I am sure.) Next, he has proclaimed that he is allowed NO MAIL and CANNOT WRITE LETTERS! It is quite obvious that this is a lengthy letter typed on a typewriter of some sort and therefore nullifies his (prior) objection to "short pencils".

Since there is no response to the issue of Constitutional legal assistance, I must make assumption that Mr. Robertson (his name) is not interested in anything other than pleading a distracting case to gain sympathy and attention to which I will no longer contribute to, either. My correspondence was solely to offer explanation regarding the Legal investigation by a source of respected authority--if that be considered evil and accepted as an insulting "CON JOB" by a beautiful third party totally uninvolved in any way whatsoever--then I see no measure of reasonable interaction.

I thank all of you who have responded to my request to write this poor man--for it is the Goodly thing to do and I would hope that some of you will continue to effort at some sort of communication. I do request that the Constitutional Law Center look into the treatment and justice of the institution involved to determine the level of abuse in point. If the institution is (and it is) abusing inmates, then it is THAT ISSUE IN POINT--not one Robert Robertson. Irritation and foul language is just as abusive in many circumstances--but the FACTS are that this represents a "HOSPITAL" wherein the inmates should not be considered to act with the same professional character as those of the wardens. ABUSE is not acceptable. The assumption is that the ones incarcerated in this "prison hospital" are "sick" and are there for "treatment". If the ones giving treatment act more sick than do the inmates--it MUST be brought to the attention of Constitutional LAW and set to RIGHT. So be it.

The second lie is also evident--Mr. Martyr has continually said that the "Scum-bags" and "Queers" are starving him to death. This has been a complaint for some many, many months and I believe that Mr. Martyr is still alive and very verbally aggressively functioning.

It is true that his mail is confiscated and even the "Certified" documents have been hidden in many instances so it is with regret that I withdraw from the issue. I will ask that the "ad" be placed in the LIBERATOR along with this writing. It is not for any of us to "force" anything on another--even if it be freedom and justice. It begins to appear that justice may well be served in this instance as it is not exactly public policy to allow shooting three people for smoking in your presence. It further appears that anyone efforting to assist the man in response to his pleas is simply labeled a "low functioning NUT" and/or "DEMONS".

He states that he wants nothing from us--then he shall get nothing from us. In acceptance of his own projections his attitude is "WELL THAT IS JUST WONDERFUL"!!!! Therefore I hereby withdraw all attention to the matter in response to his request.


(And they are Numerous)

Show me where I have ever broke the Law.

Show me where I ever Created a Victim.

Show me when I have ever been allowed before a Jury. For any of these things, just one & I will:

#1 - Pay you a $100 Reward.

#2 - Stop running my ads.

#3 - Stop my mass mailings.

#4 - Stop calling you Criminals and Degenerates

#5 - Stop calling myself a Martyr.

My Enemies know that for 13 years I have been making these kinds of Challenges. No one who knows me, from Judge to Shyster to Drug Pusher, has been able to take me up on it.

At the Judgement Day, it will all be very simple. If I am a Criminal, then where is the Evidence? If I am not a Criminal, then I am a Martyr.

Criminals "MUST" know that I am innocent. Why else was I never allowed to have a Trial? Because they "like" me? Or because they want to Shut Me Up? Which is the most Logical?

Robert R. Martyr, #48

2600 Center St. NE

Salem, OR 97310

**If the Truth Hurts too much, Write: "RETURN TO SENDER" on this card, & I will scratch your name from my mailing list. **

By the way, this man states unequivocally that Armageddon (the end) is coming in 1997. No voice of God would project such a thing for not even the "Son of God" knows the moment of HIS COMING and that is exactly that of which is intended by the statements. I ask that you give love unto this weary traveler for he is sorely in pain. Amen.

Thank you Dharma, may we simply close this now for you need to be elsewhere. Blest be ye ones of the WORD for in your hands lies the fate of your nations. So be it. Salu.



SAT., MARCH 28, 1992 7:52 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 225


As we write on these clandestine actions and ones involved in the perpetration, I am confronted with the doubts and inability to believe that such actions of deceit could actually take place.

I suggest you pay careful attention to the announcement accompanying your President's decision to buy, for millions of dollars, Soviet advanced space technology. How could this even be possible--haven't you been told that the Soviets are the ones who have stolen everything "advanced" from you? In addition, the announcer went on to state that Bush is quietly and without public discussion giving several BILLION DOLLARS in relief guarantees, food stuffs and credits and monetary assistance "to stabilize the Commonwealth". Your nation is falling apart, in the midst of the worst depression of all time, millions of Americans out of work, industry fleeing to "free-trade" countries where labor is cheap--and your leader GIVES AWAY MORE BILLIONS TO YOUR ENEMY??? So be it--continue to sleep and dream, little ones, for the awakening will be devastating. You ARE AT WAR IN SPACE--ACTUAL AND SHOOTING--AND YOU HAD BETTER TAKE A LONG, HARD LOOK AT POSSIBILITIES.


You continue to ask guidance in "politics". I have given you so much material that some ask me to "quit it, already!". You ask about Clinton and "would he be better than Bush?". Let me remind you of what I gave you a year ago at the time of the Bilderberg meeting (it is now time for this year's meeting). Bill Clinton was the candidate chosen and groomed by the Bilderbergers--for the Presidency. He is a direct servant of the Committee of 300 and funded by banks such as scandal-ridden BCCI.

I give full credit to Spotlight for having infiltrated the meeting itself (and expect them to it do again this year) and you were told by them and by me, about Bill Clinton. Let me restate the exact statement: March 16, in "News You May Have Missed", regarding Bilderberg coverage, they said: "Our penetration of the last meeting revealed plans to boost Arkansas Gov. Bill Clinton who attended as the Democratic standard bearer." It has been suggested that that should be the headline every day--I AGREE.

You ones want to believe it is one way or the other--one is good and the other bad. No! Both are totally committed to the very same goal--world domination by the VERY SAME PEOPLE.


Back to the CIA and connections: I want to share some most interesting information from a TOP SECRET--CONFIDENTIAL DOCUMENT and see how just the introduction and summary strike you:

Copy in point:

"TOP SECRET: SILENT WEAPONS FOR QUIET WARS, AN INTRODUCTORY PROGRAMMING MANUAL". This surfaced quite by "accident" on July 7, 1986, when an employee of Boeing Aircraft Co. purchased a surplus IBM copier for scrap parts at a sale. It contained a manual with inside details of a plan, created in the formation days of the "Cold War", which called for control of the masses through manipulation of industry, peoples' pastimes, education and political leanings. It called for a quiet revolution, pitting brother against brother, and diverting the public's attention from what is really going on at any given time.

For all intents and purposes, this document has "come to pass" much as expected, just as direct and ongoing planning via the "Protocols".

I have the document and I shall be most happy to share it with all its diagrams and projections but that is for another sitting. At this point I only wish to awaken you to the absolute credibility of that which we are bringing you regarding the Elite Committee of 300, The "Foundations" and non-profit organizations, and the Special Clandestine Services, i.e., CIA, KGB, Mossad, etc.

Of course this is HEAVY reading--your world is at "destruct" AND IT NOW REQUIRES HEROIC MEASURES TO RIGHT THE INCREDIBLE AND DECEITFUL WRONGS. Keep those eyes and ears OPEN for you are seeing it happen--not tomorrow--THIS MINUTE! You must sound an alarm in Zion (and I do NOT mean Israel) for, though she presently dwells with Babylon's daughter (Micah 4 is pretty accurate), her redemption draweth nigh. Truth bears no fear.

The following is taken directly from OPERATIONS RESEARCH TECHNICAL MANUAL TM-SW7905.1:



It is patently impossible to discuss social engineering or the automation of a society, i.e., (silent weapons) on a national or worldwide scale without implying extensive objectives of social control and destruction of human life, i.e., slavery and genocide.

This manual is in itself an analog declaration of intent. Such a writing must be secured from public scrutiny. Otherwise, it might be recognized as a technically formal declaration of domestic war. Furthermore, whenever any person or group of persons in a position of great power, and without the full knowledge and consent of the public, uses such knowledge and methodology for economic conquest--it must be understood that a state of domestic warfare exists between said person or group of persons and the public.

The solution of today's problems requires an approach which is ruthlessly candid, with no agonizing over religious, moral, or cultural values.

You have qualified for this project because of your ability to look at human society with cold objectivity, and yet analyze and discuss your observations and conclusions with others of similar intellectual capacity without a loss of discretion or humility.

Such virtues are exercised in your own best interest--DO NOT DEVIATE FROM THEM.

[H: I suppose you might easily guess to whom this is directed and to what type of "support teams".]


This publication marks the 25th anniversary of the Third World War, called the 'Quiet War', being conducted using subjective biological warfare, fought with 'silent weapons'. [H: Therefore, come May, 1992, I believe you will realize you are approaching the 38th anniversary!]

This book contains an introductory description of this war, its strategies, and its weaponry.

May, 1979 #74-1120


Silent weapon technology has evolved from Operations Research (O.R.), a strategic and tactical methodology developed under the military management in England during World War II. The original purpose of Operations Research was to study the strategic and tactical problems of air and land defense with the objective of effective use of limited military resources against foreign enemies (i.e., logistics). [H: You who have been diligent in your homework will recognize that this stems directly from the Tavistock Institute and the Committee of 300 mandate.]

It was soon recognized by those in positions of power that the same methods might be useful for totally controlling a society. But better tools were necessary.

Social engineering (the analysis and automation of a society) requires the correlation of great amounts of constantly changing economic information (data), so a high speed computerized data processing system was necessary which could race ahead of society and predict when society would arrive for capitulation.

Relay computers were too slow, but the electronic computer, invented in 1946 by J. Presper Eckert and John W. Mauchly filled the bill.

The next breakthrough was the development of the simplex method of linear programing in 1947 by the mathematician George B. Dantzig.

Then, in 1948, the transistor, invented by J. Bardeen, W. H. Brattain, and W. Shockley, promised great expansion of the computer field by reducing space and power requirements.

With these three inventions under their direction, those in positions of power strongly suspected that it was possible for them to control the whole world with a push of a button.

Immediately, the Rockefeller Foundation got in on the ground floor by making a four year grant to Harvard College, funding the Harvard economic research project for the study of the structure of the American economy. One year later, in 1949, the United States Air Force joined in.

In 1952 the original grant period terminated, and a high level meeting of the elite was held to determine the next phase of social operations research. The Harvard project had been very fruitful as is borne out by the publication of some of its results in 1953 suggesting the feasibility of economic (social) engineering. (STUDIES IN THE STRUCTURE OF THE AMERICAN ECONOMY--copyright 1953 by Wesaily Leontief, International Sciences Press Inc., White Plains, New York.)

Engineered in the last half decade of the 1940's, the now Quiet War machine stood, so to speak, in sparkling gold plated hardware on the showroom floor by 1954. [H: Oh indeed, it gets even worse if you are considering your future circumstances--and I most certainly hope you are so doing!]

With the creation of the maser in 1954, the promise of unlocking unlimited sources of fusion atomic energy from the heavy hydrogen in sea water and the consequent availability of unlimited social power became a possibility only decades away. [H: Now hold your breath--CNN did a short documentary YESTERDAY EVENING on the technology and how wondrously it has progressed in actual usage! YESTERDAY, MARCH 27, 1992!]

The combination was irresistible.

The Quiet War was quietly declared by the International Elite at a meeting held in 1954.

Although the silent weapons system was nearly exposed 13 years later, the evolution of the new weapon system has never suffered any major setbacks. [H: SALU!]

There have already had, many victories on many fronts throughout the world in this domestic war.


in 1954 it was well recognized by those in positions of authority that it was only a matter of time, only a few decades, before the general public would be able to grasp and upset the cradle of power, for the very elements of the new silent weapon technology were as accessible for a public utopia as they were for providing a private utopia.

The issue of primary concern, that of dominance, revolved around the subject of the energy sciences.

[H: Please, let us leave this portion now and move directly to the summary writing. I hope that I leave you desiring more information for we move right into "energy" which was and is recognized as the key to all activity on Earth.]



MEDIA: Keep the adult public attention diverted away from the real social issues, and captivated by matters of no real importance.

SCHOOLS: Keep the young public ignorant of real mathematics, real economics, real law, and real history.

ENTERTAINMENT: Keep the public entertainment below a sixth grade level.

WORK: Keep the public busy, busy, busy, with no time to think; back on the farm with the other animals.



[H: Dharma, let us leave that and move on to the "SUMMARY" for there are some three to four pages which I do not wish to attend at this sitting.]


The people hire the politicians so that the people can:

(1) Obtain security without managing it.

(2) Obtain action without thinking about it.

(3) Inflict theft, injury, and death upon others without having to contemplate either life or death.

(4) Avoid responsibility for their own intentions.

(5) Obtain the benefits of reality and science without exerting themselves in the discipline of facing or learning either of these things.

They give the politicians the power to create and manage a war machine to:

(1) Provide for the survival of the NATION/WOMB.

(2) Prevent encroachment of anything upon the NATION/WOMB.

(3) Destroy the enemy who threatens the NATION/WOMB.

(4) Destroy those citizens of their own country who do not conform for the sake of stability of the NAT1ON/WOMB.

Politicians hold many quasi-military jobs, the lowest being the police which are soldiers, the attorneys and the C.P.A.'s next who are spies and saboteurs (licensed), and the judges who shout the orders and run the closed union military shop for whatever the market will bear. The generals are industrialists. The 'presidential' level of commander-in-chiefs is shared by the international bankers. The people know that they have created this farce and financed it with their own taxes (consent), but they would rather knuckle under than be the hypocrite.

Thus, a nation becomes divided into two very distinct parts, a DOCILE SUB-NATION and a POLITICAL SUB-NATION. The political sub-nation remains attached to the docile sub-nation, tolerates it, and leaches its substance until it grows strong enough to detach itself and devour its parent.


* * * * * * * *


Let us leave this now. If you readers are not just a "tad" sick then I am most certainly disappointed in you.

INTERRUPTION: Dharma was just now interrupted with this information. "There is a 'mole' within the working business locale and there are investigations going on by the FBI (identified), the CIA and the Pentagon."

I want you readers to know and understand that this is what our people face every day of their existence--simply for bringing YOU THE TRUTH. They are warned directly and bluntly to "...stay hidden on Fridays because the operatives can legally take you into custody and retain you for the week-end with no charges." Who are the "spies"? Ones who are obviously going to lose more than their integrity--of course I know who they are and have told you for a very long time of their presence.

The point is that there is nothing in any manner whatsoever subversive going on in my work--unless you wish to so classify telling you-the-people about your plight and loss of your Constitution. Vermin and vipers do not like their hidden places exposed--I told you: Evil cannot survive nor stand in the LIGHT OF TRUTH! I suggest it is time to expose the nest of thieves for I weary of the attacks. I prefer it come from Earth level of projection so we shall wait a few days to determine if that shall happen.

I DO suggest that you ones begin to take me and my presence most seriously--we are not here to participate in a game of channels and joy-rides on silver wings--damage to my people is declaration of WAR!!! If you think poor Adam and Eve had it bad when discovered and kicked out of the "garden"--I suggest you study your own assets RIGHT NOW--YOU DECEIVERS AND LIARS, FOR IT IS NOT HIDDEN FROM GOD NOR HIS HOSTS AND THE ARM OF GOD IS SWIFT AND SURE--EVERY TIME!

Dharma, we have no time to give to this latest attack for surely you knew that when we disclose the actual "diggings" and subterfuge of such mammoth proportions as the underground facilities and warhead missile sites, that they would not simply ignore us. They have, in fact, helped give us the information so that we are not "blamed" for telling secrets out of school. I think perhaps wherein lies the problem is that I have cleaned up the lies and given you most hurtful (to them) and useful (to you) in-formation. It never pays to "try to fool Mother Nature" or tinker with the order of God's plans. So be it. Let us continue on the outlay on the Intelligence Cults. IT IS OF COURSE THE INTELLIGENCE CULTS WHO CARRY OUT THE ORDERS OF THE ELITE CONSPIRATORS SO THIS IS MOST VALUABLE AND IMPORTANT INFORMATION.




Back, now, to the writings as presented in 1974 for it laid forth the structure and the massive control and shelter under which the Clandestine forces operated then and with even more shelter and secrecy today.


To the clandestine operations of the CIA, nothing could be more normal than the use of "dirty tricks" to promote the U.S. national interest, as they and their agency determine it. In the words of former Clandestine Services chief Richard Bissell, CIA men "feel a higher loyalty and .... they are acting in obedience to that higher 'loyalty' ." They must be able to violate accepted standards of integrity and decency when the CIA's objectives so demand. Bissell admitted in a 1965 television interview that agency operators at times carried out actions which "were contrary to their moral precepts" but they believed "the morality of . . . cold war is so infinitely easier than the morality of almost any kind of hot war that I never encountered this as a serious problem."


Perhaps as a consequence of the confused morality that guides him, a clandestine operator is dedicated to the utmost secrecy. Convicted Watergate burglar Bernard Barker, who long worked with and for the agency, described these operators in a September 1972 New York Times interview: "They're anonymous men. They hate publicity; they get nervous with it. They don't want to be spoken of. They don't even want to be known or anything like that." And nearly always accompanying this passion for secrecy comes an obsession with deception and manipulation. These traits, developed in the CIA's training programs, are essential elements for success in the operator's career. He learns that he must become expert at "living his cover", at pretending he is something he is not. Agency instructors grade the young operators on how well they can fool their colleagues. A standard exercise given to the student spies is for one to be assigned the task of finding out some piece of information about another. Since each trainee is expected to maintain a false identity and cover during the training period, a favorite way to coax out the desired information is to befriend the targeted trainee, to win his confidence and make him let down his guard. The trainee who gains the information receives a high mark; his exploited colleague fails the test. The "achievers" are those best suited, in the view of the agency, for convincing a foreign official he should become a traitor to his country; for manipulating that official, often against his will; and for "terminating" the agent when he has outlived his usefulness to the CIA.

Operating with secrecy and deception gradually becomes second nature to the clandestine operator as his early training progresses and he moves into an actual field assignment. The same habits may at times carry over into his dealings with his colleagues and even his family. Most operators see no inconsistency between an upstanding private life and immoral or amoral work, and they would probably say that anyone who couldn't abide the dichotomy is "soft". The double moral standard has been so completely absorbed at the CIA that Allen Dulles once stated, "In my ten years with the Agency I only recall one case of many hundreds where a man who had joined the Agency felt some scruples about the activities he was asked to carry on." Even today that Dulles' estimate would not be far off.

As much as the operator believes in the rightness of his actions, he is forced to work in an atmosphere that is potentially demoralizing. He is quite often on the brink of the underworld, or even immersed in it, and he frequently turns to the least savory types to achieve his goals. Criminals are useful to him, and are often called upon by him, when he does not want to perform personally some particularly distasteful task or when he does not want to risk and direct agency involvement in his dirty work. And if the clandestine operator wants to use attractive young women to seduce foreign officials, he does not call on female CIA employees. Instead he hires local prostitutes, or induces foreign girls to assume the seductress's role, hoping to use his women to ferret information out of targeted opponents and to blackmail them into cooperating with the CIA.

Other CIA men regularly deal with black-marketeers to purchase "laundered" currency. The agency cannot very well subsidize a political party in South Vietnam or buy labor peace on the Marseilles docks with money that can be traced back to the CIA. Thus, CIA "finance officers" permanently assigned to Hong Kong, Beirut, and other international monetary centers frequently turn to the world's illegal money changers to support agency clandestine operations. "Sterile" weapons for CIA paramilitary activities are obtained in the same fashion from the munitions merchants who will provide arms to anyone able to pay the price. And when untraceable troops are needed to assist a CIA-sponsored revolution or counter-revolution, the agency will put out the word in such mercenary centers as Brussels, Kinshasa, and Saigon that it is hiring soldiers of fortune willing to support any cause for a price.

Yet there are certain standards the CIA's clandestine operator must maintain in order to hold on to his job and the respect of his colleagues. By the agency's code, he is not supposed to profit personally from his activities. If he were involved in narcotics traffic for his own gain, he would probably be fired for having been "corrupted by the trade". But if the same CIA man were involved in narcotics traffic because he was using his narcotics connections to blackmail a Soviet official, he would be considered by his colleagues to be doing his work well.

While the CIA has never trafficked in dope as a matter of official policy, its clandestine personnel have used this trade--as they have used almost every other criminal activity known to man--in the pursuit of their goals. In Laos the CIA hoped to defeat the Pathet Lao and North Vietnamese (and thus, "stop communism"); for that purpose, it was willing to supply guns, money, and training to the Meo tribe, the part of the Laotian population most eager to fight for the agency. The CIA was willing to overlook the fact that the Meos' primary cash crop was opium and that they continued to sell the drug during most of the years that they participated in the "secret" war as the "cutting edge" of the anti-Communist force in Laos. While the planes of the CIA proprietary airline, Air America, were on occasion used to carry opium and while some of the highest military officers supported by the agency were also the kingpins of the drug trade, the agency could still claim that it did not officially sanction these activities. But not until the heroin traffic from Southeast Asia was perceived as a major American problem a few years ago did the CIA make any serious effort to curb the flow of the drug, for it mattered not what sort of people the Meo were--what mattered was what they were willing and able to do for the CIA. The agency would hire Satan himself as an agent if he could help guarantee the "national security". [H: And of course--they do!]

* * *

Let us take a rest break before continuing on the "key to a successful espionage operation". You need a rest and we need to attend some other matters which cannot wait. I suggest, right now, that if the response to Mrs. Lockwood and her attorney is unacceptable--simply ask Scott to file a countersuit INSTANTLY--also consider a full Cease and Desist action against her. I am weary of having ones act in such greedy and selfish behavior while calling their work "Constitutional Justice"--it blackens the very meaning of the work of the gallant patriots.

I further suggest that Mr. Tips respond immediately to her "threat" to bring him before the Bar Association for having represented you--I believe this goes beyond all bounds of decency and respect. This person undoubtedly desires to live off the unjust wages of "lawsuit" collections. I shall not tolerate such without recourse. So be it.

Hatonn to move to stand-by. Thank you for your service. In love and protection of you of my crew, I give unto you the peace of knowing of our presence. AHO



MON., MARCH 30, 1992 8:34 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 227

MONDAY, MARCH 30, 1992


As we move into moment-to-moment critical times I shall effort to give you thoughts to bring peace and "order" within--some simple reminders of Truth and reality if you will.

Please listen-up! YOU have now, and always have had, through the power of thinking as laid forth for you in detailed physical outline in PLEIADES CONNECTIONS, the full outlay of "how it works". If you choose not to avail self of this information, so be it. I come not to force or coerce--we just "present" information.

We now have a lawsuit thrust against my people (scribe and Oberli), threatened and apparently in progress, to allow the petitioner to gain great sums of money from being "defrauded"--as unto all you-the-people. My people follow my teachings and evil shall not prevail against them unless it be for ultimately coming into greater benefit for our work. It does, however, cause much time consumption in replies and data gathering on the level of the physical dealings with these types of people who operate only in ego power and total greed. I would welcome all charges against me for I shall most enjoy taking on the physical wimps in the courtroom or anywhere else they lay a battlefield. Whether or not you ones wish to believe in our presence--WE ARE HERE.

In the case of the property already in four years of litigation, we now have a written document from the Judge presiding in the immediate hearings which proves he is not only biased but fully intends to cause these ones to have to "settle" which means total loss of everything they have. Fortunately, they have nothing and therefore ones who come against them cannot prevail with their greed and insult.

I commend the lawyers in their immediate work to counter the Judge's correspondence for you have done excellent work for this day. I would hope that at some point our precious ones will take time to read my input--for I shall give you all if you but accept. So be it.

To you precious ones who send personal gifts to Dharma, thank you in her behalf for I don't seem to allow her time for those gracious sharings of personal notes in timely manner--she begs understanding and WILL get at it yet. For you, like the "Telephone" group who sent funds requesting something special to be reminding of friendship each viewing--I shall share, friends, that she put it together with another gift and has a porcelain sculpture of nesting doves with babes. It is beautiful and represents the peace of God with family and hope for this weary planet in renewal in life.

We have also attained, in the same manner, a gift of the heart from an Ogalala Sioux artist who put self into the artpiece. It is a stretched skin upon which he has joined the sacred Buffalo skull and the Thunderbird, the four directions and the sacred paths of color. Also in the "bundle" is a "dream pipe" wrapped in the softest of buckskin worked in chewed leather and a bound Raven's wing bound in the same skin and bearing the representation of the red road of Truth and beaded with the symbol of the black road of opposition. It is held in reverence in the teachings and it shall be held in reverence by the holder. The skin is from a young deer whose gift of sustenance was blessed and honored in the traditional way. Therefore the painting is wondrous and encircled with the endless circle of all things. We know that you ask to share in personal measure and this is why we wish to describe that which comes from your gifts for these things hold the memory of life and the thoughts are that which bind you together as the one tribe which you are. The things are never considered "for Dharma" alone--but rather, for all as she simply gifts it unto we of the Hosts that it might be blessed and draw us close until we can share in the openness of joy. You are of the physical so you must have things of the physical to keep you in the "remembering" so that you can grow into the "knowing" of that remembering. It must be through the emotional remindings that you can come to see and hear for those things allow the focus of higher being. If you focus on solely the "money" it has no lasting value for it only represents a "thing" which "allows" and given in love it brings great emotional links, one to the others.

We had a most unusual gift brought to us from dear ones on this week-end. They brought some herbs and fruit from their garden--but what they did not realize was. that the sage they brought was that special kind which, when smoked, cleanses in the special way of the native tradition and these blessed items of that culture (which is your own) shall be in the cleansing of the gifts as well. AHO.


Through this power of thinking, you have power over all the kingdoms of the earth. If you but know it, YOU have now, this moment, only to Think and speak the word--realizing your power, and that within your merging with God, will bring about the results--and the waiting consciousness of the invisible cells of all matter upon which your will and attention become focused--which waiting consciousness is God consciousness, remember--will begin immediately to obey and do exactly according to the image or plans you have prepared by your thinking.


When you can once realize this and can know that the I AM Consciousness within you is ONE with the Consciousness of all animate and inanimate matter, and that Its will is one with your will, which is "MY" Will, and that all your desires are "MY" Desires, then will you begin to know and feel "ME" within, and will acknowledge the Power and Glory of Idea, which is eternally expressing Itself impersonally through you.

All you need to do is to turn within unto GOD, and let God direct your thinking and your desires in the path of goodliness (the red path). Then will your desires be fulfilled and in that change from the evil of physical manufacture you can move into the grand harmony, your world a "heaven" and your self one with God. In that change there is no note taken of that which once appeared to be necessity for things of the physical plane of experience take their rightful place of "things to utilize" but are left when the time is come to move on into higher wonder.

When you have begun to realize this and have glimpsed some-what of its inner meaning, then you will be prepared to grasp the real import of what follows. But first, must come the WORD so that you can align self with the "Original THINKER", Creator.

Our poor little adversary is going to litigate against these ones for she says that we bring fraudulent and "cheating" against you ones. Is to bring God into your attention--fraud? The child in point deserves compassion for she truly believes she is somehow wronged. She says she works to save the Constitution and demands her Constitutional rights--while denying these ones, theirs. Pity and compassion are needed in abundance for these ones who labor under "selfness" and ego bondage which allows not the vision to see the deceiving of the practiced lie nor understand the journey itself. Yes, the person (individual) should be sovereign but it cannot deprive another of sovereignty lest it separate itself away from the very thing touted as the goal.


"They" tell you that the "Space Shuttle" has conserved enough energy to exist another day or so in orbit. In the same breath "they" announce that now, the multi-million dollar ultra-violet camera has also blown a fuse. My, my--this is a total disaster in fuse blowing--so be it. What is truth of the situation is that your crew and suborbital craft and satellite station is being held hostage by the very ones whose space platform you destroyed along with many cosmonauts. It depends on how much ransom is paid and how much capitulation your evil national masters are willing to give as to whether or not the craft and astronauts are blasted out of existence. I would guess, ultimately, if you do not play properly, you shall be missing the craft and crew--and they will emerge elsewhere to be used against your governments. I can think of worse uses. It seems time to uncover some of the lies in a physical manner instead of simply through these routes which are now dubbed to be from crackpots and fraud perpetrators.

It causes great pain to these ones for people to come uninvited into this place and share, take and act as if they love--only to move on when having been asked nothing from--to go and pounce upon us like the sheepskin clothed wolves in the flock. When you effort to challenge with evil intent, God--ye have blundered. There is no "group" here and nothing is asked from visitors save open friendship. We do not even turn away those whom I know to be "black-intentioned". Our purpose in this place is to bring forth the WORD that you might have opportunity to find Truth and discern that Truth from the living lies about you. Dharma writes and speaks as my secretary and translator--nothing more. To sue her for "fraud" indicates that every minister, priest, rabbi, etc. who claims to speak the word of God--should be banished and sued for his "fraudulent" practices. Every moment spent in these legal defenses is that moment lost forever to the bringing of the WORD which holds in the balance your very life journey instructions.


I hope all watched 60 MINUTES last evening. You would have gotten some confirmation regarding the Elite Kissinger and activities--all of which are denied--of course. Even the small amount which slips through to you can give you that confirmation of truth for which you demand daily. Then, you will have also enjoyed a visit with Ross Perot. You will have noted how he COULD win a nomination and the Presidency. You will, however, also have noted that some of his "solutions" are not workable nor made within KNOWING of the full Truth of the circumstances within your world. Chelas, it will be only through KNOWING that you can bring about the necessary changes.

Bush sits smugly on his throne and watches--you see, he already has in his hands the LEGAL POWER to do anything he wants. If you believe me not--GET THE DOCUMENT: PART IV: THE PRESIDENT; Emergency Preparedness Functions: EXECUTIVE ORDER 11921. This is from the "Federal Register" dated Tuesday, June 15, 1976. It begins with "Adjusting Emergency Preparedness Assignments to Organizational and Functional Changes in Federal Departments and Agencies…. By virtue of the authority vested in me as President of the United States, and pursuant to Reorganization Plan No. 1 of 1958…. " And, yes, I shall reprint it for you IF we can be left to our writing long enough to get it done. We have actually given you total summary on at least three prior occasions but it seems ones do not remember or have not yet accessed prior JOURNALS.

You are now dismissing thousands of reserve troops and National Guard units--in other words, dismantling any military support you-the-people might have for any measure of protection whatsoever. Cheney will stand before you and tell you that "the people have demanded military cuts and defense cuts and this is the only way to accommodate those demands!" This is almost verbatim from hearings in the immediate past week. By the way--that was a "Congressional" hearing and Powell supported everything the idiot said. Meanwhile Bush grinned all the way to the fishing boat to ensnare a helpless fish which he wouldn't eat if his broccoli depended on it.

You will also note daily outlays of advanced laser and water projects which somehow are "just now" being made a fuss over--to allow you to know that funds will not be given into these projects, either--well, the end goal has been reached and why spend more on military arsenals--publicly. The "black projects" will continue with more aggressiveness but the other projects will be given token R&D attention for they will appeal to you-the-people as "peaceful" projects. You are watching it unfold even without being given any valid news reporting. You who have doubted my projections --OPEN YOUR EYES for it is there to be seen--all around you.

In this vein I shall now continue with the CIA uncovering and again give honor to the writers and daring patriots who came before--if you are allowed to see further--it is because of the giants of patriots come before. I salute them in their daring efforts to save your freedom and reveal the lies. All they ask from you is that you now get off your backsides and get busy and stop this insanity.


The key to a successful espionage operation is locating and using the right agent. There are seven basic areas of agent relations--spotting, evaluation, recruiting, testing, training, handling, and termination. Each deserves extended examination.

Spotting: This is the process of identifying foreigners or other persons who might be willing to spy for the CIA.

The agency operator mingles as much as possible with the native population in the country to which he is assigned, hoping to spot potential agents. He normally concentrates on officials in the local government, members of the military services, and representatives of the intelligence agencies of the host country. People in other professions, even if recruitable, usually do not have access to the kind of strategic or high-level information which the CIA is seeking. Most operators work out of the local U.S. embassy; their diplomatic cover allows a convenient approach to their target groups through the myriad of officials and social contacts that characterize the life of a diplomat, even a bogus one serving the CIA. Some agency officers pose as military men or other U.S. government representatives--officials of the AID, the USIA, and other agencies. In addition to official cover, the CIA sometimes puts officers under "deep cover" as businessmen, students, newsmen, or missionaries.


[H: Please note that in local operations you will usually have two or three telltale clues as to WHO might be an operative. You will have ones who, in checking, were not particularly effective at whatever they claim to be proficient in doing--i.e., a private investigator or claimed investigator who can't find a single worthy piece of research investigative material. Then you will have these ones clinging to other predetermined ideas with refusal to thoroughly study the work in current operation or presentation. There will be a quite unresponsible lack of "reason" for having assets which are "somehow" available for living expenses, etc.--in other words--no visible means of support. These introduced operatives have a genuine desire to "fit in" and participate but never get close enough to actually do much WORK. These ones only bring attention and I personally rather like them for they are so obvious. They are usually quite helpless in appearance which sucks in the "suckers" who provide and tattle all into their waiting recording devices.

A good clue to intent is, in this place at least, a clinging to very "physical" aspects of living with total focus on physical presentation, lack of "actual" participation in work aspect, a clinging to other "belief" presentations and gurus when there is no need to spend five minutes with us otherwise. Nothing holds anyone to this place, for instance, except whatever personal calling they have to which to respond.

Why don't I "reveal them"? Because they are never "lost" until they say they are "lost". I will, however, have to take the covers off of one or two because it is costly in time and scarce funding for them to continue their damaging input. Most operatives, however, will NEVER take On the devious ways of simply "selfish" individuals for that would defeat the purpose and bring suspicion focus. The point is to become integrated--but agents and operatives never quite "fit" actions with output from the mouth. Aren't they dangerous? Why? We do nothing to call anyone against us if they be of good intent--including the government. My point is to bring Truth of the people involved and the system as a whole--not overthrow anyone--not even Kissinger. This does not mean, however, that I shall not speak in freedom of speech, all truths, no matter how black in intent or lighted in glory. If they be lighted in glory, they shall also be told. If ones object to the presenting of their own projections as in letters of threat, then they MUST BE HIDING SOMETHING MOST DEVIOUS OR THEY WOULD WANT IT PUBLISHED UNTO THE FOUR DIRECTIONS! If this brings charges of "defamation" then who might be defaming who?? MAN defames self just as he only makes a fool--OF SELF. If there be no foundation upon which to cast "doubt", then how can there be defamation?? Does denouncing my Truth and my presence make my presence and Truth less valid?? Ah so, I see that the light dawns in some of your minds regarding many events and accusations. If I project Truth to you which unfolds in its confirmation--how can I be offering "fraud" unto you?? So be the "food for thought".



Books such as "...THE 300" which is an exposé is "iffy" in intent to squash because the information is already out there in the public in many places--already available. Coleman has only integrated and compiled succinctly the information. Some do not like the revelations but the ones AT THE TOP OF THE POWER LINE LOVE IT FOR THE RECOGNITION OF THEIR POWER. It may be "sick" but it IS true.]

The CIA operator is constantly looking for indications of vulnerability on the part of potential foreign agents. The indicators may come from a casual observation by the operator at a cocktail party, gossip picked up by his wife, suggestions from already recruited agents, or assistance furnished--wittingly or unwittingly--by a genuine American diplomat or businessman. The CIA operator receives instruction, based on studies made by agency specialists or American college professors under contract to the CIA, on what kinds of people are most susceptible to the intrigues and strategies of clandestine life. Obviously, the personality of the potential spy varies from country to country and case to case, but certain broad categories of preferable and susceptible agent types have been identified. The most sought-after informants are foreign officials who are dissatisfied with their country's policies and who look to the United States for guidance. People of this sort are much more likely to become loyal and dedicated agents than those whose primary motivation is monetary. Money certainly can go a long way in obtaining information, especially in the Third World, but the man who can be bought by the CIA is also a relatively easy mark for the opposition. On the other hand, the agent who genuinely believes that what he is doing has a higher purpose will probably not be vulnerable to approaches from the KGB or other opposition services, and he is less likely to be plagued by the guilt and the ac-companying psychological deterioration which frequently hamper the work of spies. The ideological "defector in place" is the prize catch for CIA operators. Other likely candidates for spying are officials who have expensive tastes which they cannot satisfy from their normal incomes, or those with an obviously uncontrollable weakness for women, other men, alcohol, or drugs.

The operator does not always search for potential agents among those who are already working in positions of importance. He may take someone who in a few years may move into an important assignment (with or without a little help from the CIA). Students are considered particularly valuable targets in this regard, especially in Third World countries where university graduates often rise to high-level governmental positions only a few years after graduation. In Latin American and African countries the agency puts special emphasis on seeking agents in the armed forces, since so many of these nations are ruled or controlled by the military. Hence, the "cleared" professors on the CIA's payroll at American universities with substantial foreign enrollments, and military training officers at such places as the field command school at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, are prime recruiters.

In the Communist countries, as we have said, agency operators tend to focus on members of the opposition intelligence services in their search for secret agents.

EVALUATION: Once a potential spy has been spotted, the agency makes a thorough review of all information available on him to decide whether he is, or someday will be, in a position to provide useful intelligence. The first step in the evaluation process is to run a "namecheck", or trace, on the person, using the CIA's extensive computerized files located at headquarters in Langley. This data bank was developed by International Business Machines exclusively for the CIA and contains information on hundreds of thousands of persons. Any relevant biographical information on the potential agent found in the files is cabled back to the field operator, who meanwhile continues to observe the prospect and makes discreet inquiries about his background, personality, and chances for advancement. The prospect will probably be put under surveillance to learn more of his habits and views. Eventually a determination will be made as to the prospect's probable motivation (ideological, monetary, or psychological) for becoming a spy. If he hasn't any such motivation, the CIA searches for ways--blackmail and the like-- of pressuring him. At the same time, the case officer must determine if the prospect is legitimate or if he is an enemy plant--a provocation or a double agent. Some member of the CIA team, perhaps the original spotter, will attempt to get to know the potential agent on a personal basis and win his confidence.

RECRUITING: At the conclusion of the evaluation period, which can last weeks or months, CIA headquarters, in consultation with the field component, decides whether or not the prospective agent should be approached to spy for the agency. Normally, if the decision is affirmative, a CIA outsider will approach the prospect. Neither the spotter nor the evaluator nor, for that matter, any member of the local agency team will generally be used to make the recruitment "pitch"; if something goes wrong, the individual being propositioned will therefore be unable to expose any of the CIA operators. As a rule, the CIA officer giving the pitch is furnished with a false identity and given an agency-produced fake American passport. The "pitchman" can quickly slip out of the country in case of trouble.

Once the recuriter is on the scene, agency operators will concoct a meeting between him and the prospective agent. The pitchman will be introduced to the target under carefully prearranged--and controlled--circumstances, allowing the operator who made the introduction to withdraw discreetly, leaving the recruiter alone with the potential agent. Steps also will have been taken to provide the recruiter with an escape route in

the event that the pitch should backfire. If he is clever in his approach, the recruiter makes his pitch subtly, without any overt statements to reveal his true purpose or affiliation with the agency.

If the potential agent has previously voiced opposition to his government, the recruiter is likely to begin with an appeal to the man's patriotic obligations and higher ideological inclinations. Ways by which he could aid his country and its people through secret cooperation with a benevolent foreign power will be suggested. If, on the other hand, the prospect is deemed susceptible to money, the recruiter probably will play to this point, emphasizing that he knows of ways for the right individual to earn big money--quickly and easily. If the subject is interested in power, or merely has expensive habits to satisfy (sex, drugs, and so forth), if he wants to defect from his country, or simply wishes to get away from his family and social situation, the recruiter will attempt to concentrate his efforts on these human needs, all the time offering suggestions as to how they may be met through cooperation with "certain parties". People volunteer to agree to spy on their governments for many reasons. It is the task of the recruiter to determine what reason--if one exists--is most likely to motivate the potential agent.

If the agency has concluded that the prospect is vulnerable to blackmail, thinly veiled threats of exposure will be employed during the pitch. In some cases, however, the recruiter may directly confront the potential agent with the evidence which could be used to expose him, in an effort to shock him into accepting the recruitment pitch. And in all cases the meeting between the recruiter and the prospect will be monitored either by audio surveillance (i.e., a tape recording) or some other method--photographs, fingerprints, or anything which will produce evidence that can later be used to incriminate the prospect. If not at first susceptible to blackmail, the prospect who wittingly or unwittingly entertains a recruitment pitch may afterward find himself entrapped by evidence which could be employed to ruin his career or land him in jail.

After the prospect accepts the CIA's offer, or yields to blackmail, the recuriter will go into the details of the arrangement. He may offer an agent with high potential $500 to $1,000 a month, say, partly in cash but mostly by deposit in an escrow account at some American or Swiss bank. He will try to keep the direct non-escrow payments as low as possible: first, to prevent the man from going on a spending spree which could attract the unwanted attention of the local security service, and, second, to strengthen his hold over the spy. The latter reason is particularly important if the agent is not ideologically motivated. The recruiter may pledge that the CIA will guarantee the safety of the agent or his family, in case of difficulties with the local police, and he may promise a particularly valuable agent a lifelong pension and even American citizenship.

The fulfillment of such pledges varies greatly, depending on the operational situation and the personality of the CIA case officer in charge. Some are cynical, brutal men whose word, in most instances, is absolutely worthless. Others, though, will go to extraordinary lengths to protect their agents. In the early 1960's in Syria, one CIA man endangered his life and that of a trusted colleague to exfiltrate an agent who had been "rolled up" (i.e., captured) by the local security service, tortured, and forced to confess his complicity in the CIA's operations there. Although the agent, rendered a physical and mental wreck, was no longer of any use to the CIA, the two operators put him in the trunk of a private automobile and drove him to, a nearby country--and safety.

The recruiter will try to get the new agent, upon agreeing to work for the CIA, to sign a piece of paper that formally and evidentially connects him with the agency, a paper which can later be used to threaten a recalcitrant agent with exposure, should he balk at continuing to work for the CIA.

The recruiter's last function is to set up a meeting between the new agent and the CIA operator stationed in that country who will serve as his case officer. This will often involve the use of prearranged recognition signals. One technique, for example, is to give the agent a set of unusual cufflinks and tell him that he will soon be approached by a man wearing an identical pair. Another is to set up an exchange of code words which the case officer can later use to identify himself to the agent. When all this is accomplished, the recruiter breaks off the meeting and as soon as possible thereafter leaves the country.

When the recruitment pitch doesn't work,


meeting with a potential agent/defector in a local "gasthaus" only to find that the occupants of the nearby tables were not Viennese but rather members of a KGB goon squad. In that instance, when fighting erupted, he managed to escape by fleeing to the men's room and ignominiously crawling to safety through the window above the toilet.

* * *

Dharma, I register fatigue so please allow us a rest break. We shall immediately take up the remaining elements in point beginning with "Testing".


Please be open to thoughts that flow in the guise of "thinking" about this information. At first, "action" must not be a reaction but a careful process in the reasoning aspect of logic. Let the ideas flow and as they do so you will find that some ideas will begin to grow and cannot be thrust away.

Have you noticed the relationship that Desire bears to such Ideas, and how, through thinking, that idea is finally brought to actual fruition?

Let us look briefly at this relation and process.

There is always first the Idea, not considering at this moment the necessity or occasion for its appearance but let us say it is stimulated by the information being given. It matters not whence the Idea comes, from within or without; for it is always God who inspires it or causes it to impress your consciousness at the particular moment that it does.

Then, just to the extent that you grow quiet and focus your attention upon that Idea, stilling all the activities of your mind and eliminating all other ideas and thoughts from your consciousness, so that Idea can have full sway, does God illumine your mind and cause to unfold before your mental gaze the various phases and possibilities contained within that Idea.

This takes place, however, up to this point, without any volition on your part--perhaps save to read or see, hear or touch, or focusing or concentrating your attention upon the Idea.

Once your human mind is given a view of Its possibilities, and has enlisted your interest, then does your human personality take up its task for, as the Idea in your mind was created and inspired, so were you given cause for that Idea to fructify therein to give birth to Desire--desire to bring into outer manifestation all the possibilities of the Idea, Desire thus becoming the mortal agent of God's will and supplying the motive power, just as the human personality is the mortal instrument used to confine and focus that Power.

Yes, all ideas and all desires come from God. They are HIS/YOUR Ideas and HIS/YOUR Desires which are inspired in your mind and heart in order to bring them through you into outer manifestation.

Now, the bugaboo: You may wrongly interpret those Desires, those wondrous urges from within, and seek to use them for your own selfish purpose, but even while permitting this they still fulfill God's purpose--let that not elude you. For it is only by allowing your misuse of God's gifts and by the suffering such misuse brings, that you can be made into the clean and selfless channel required for the perfect expression of God ideas.

The next wondrous step is realization but I think you have quite enough to ponder for this sitting.

Blessings be unto you for your day of realization is at hand. Salu.

Hatonn to move to stand-by that rest might be taken. Adonai.



WED., APRIL 1, 1992 7:50 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 229



Copies of great advertisements have been sent to me with questions and ponderings. They came, however, too late to get response unto you readers. I trust that you in other parts of the country have been exposed to same for one who calls self "Ram Dass" is making seminar presentations around your country. This, however, is not the question in point--the Advertisements begin: "Dharma" will spend a - - - -!" The immediate outlay comes from Salt Lake City.

I do not see how you could be confused, even by the ads, if you actually read our material. I don't want any of you deceived, however, so I will simply state that we have nothing to do with religious services of any kind--we serve ONLY GOD and you need no "in-betweens" telling you how it is, especially ones who have trained with Tavistock engineers such as Leary, etc. There is only ONE GOD and YOU ALREADY HAVE A DIRECT LINE!

Who then, is Ram Dass? One of very human aspect who has chosen that name to fit his needs. Much of the presentation offers possibilities of insight and steps to higher learning. I personally consider Ram Dass to be computer terms. RAM: An acronym for RANDOM ACCESS MEMORY. RAM is the "working memory" of the computer into which applications programs can be loaded from outside and then executed. It is a memory into which the user can enter information and instructions (write), and from which the user can call up data (read). DOS: An acronym for DISK OPERATING SYSTEM. A specialized, disk-oriented program that provides an easy-to-use link between the user and a computer's disk drive.



There is too much for which to watch and see this day for me to spend precious time at it--note Libya being BLACKMAILED by your country under the guise of the U.N.; note what Bush is giving away to the Soviets along with blackmail to the rest of the "new" nations as well. Note that monies given will be "Global" currency through the International Monetary Fund and The World Bank. Note also that the "package" has already been approved and the treaties signed--Bush is just telling you about it today. If you buy it--then, the Astronauts can come home. Boy, you have a lot to learn, Americans, and obviously you could not learn without experience for selves--a world in shambles didn't seem to even make you "nod".


There is something to see in the winnings of SILENCE OF THE LAMBS, the story of serial killings of the worst imaginable kind. The acting was very good but I am appalled at the substance, except that these types of violent presentations (and above all--winning) causes you viewers to reconsider your attitudes regarding the content. It is only a blatant and intended shock to you-the-public to further cause you to drown in violence and decadence of the most horrific and debasing kind. What happened to entertainment? The Academy just couldn't bring itself to allow goodness to win--can you not see? Would I suggest you NOT see it? Come now, since when has Hatonn EVER TOLD YOU NOT TO SEE AND HEAR A THING? SEE AND HEAR ALL YOU WISH--ONLY ASK "GOD" TO SIT WITH YOU IN THE VIEWING CHAMBER AND SEE WHAT YOU GET IN SUBSTANCE. AHO.


I shall effort to get to dictation via recorder a bit later today for we are again terribly behind and I weary of having to ask for your patience. Also, we will have a meeting on the week-end and we shall endeavor to compile questions in an orderly manner to cover and make available to you.

We only "offer", for we have the meetings anyway and I cannot longer take the time from the JOURNALS to respond to questions--and some are spoken from many, many of you and need response. Will it not be nice when ALL can hear and understand and we need no speakers? Ah, indeed, we are headed there rapidly and Dharma, I believe, is the most relieved to have the encouraging word. Until then we simply keep on keeping on. The Pentagon, the CIA and Military Intelligence--as well as British Intelligence--are all after us. In this last LIBERATOR we show you pictures of the underground Northrop installations from the surface. This is to reassure you that we are not playing games with our information. Those sites were given in a general overview of the national picture of major construction and use.

I suggest you all go forth and effort at breakneck speed getting Perot and Gritz into a team working together and you can pull off the remainder of the revelations of conspiracy against you.


Note how your old friend--er--ah--well, not Dharma's old friend for she made it early onto the top of his "hit list". At any rate, note Kissinger defending his "Associates" and telling you he had no gain from any of his "connections". Chelas, if you allow the tiger to chew upon your carcass--guess what?? Can you now see that "Knowing Truth" is the only weapon you have remaining?? We of the "Hosts", through God and the Beloved Christed Ones, can show you the way and provide the transportation--but you have to desire to make the trip. Salu.


To THINK is to CREATE, or, As you THINK in your HEART, so is it with you.

Stop and think a moment on this that it may get firmly fixed within your mind. A Thinker is a Creator. A Thinker lives in a world of his own conscious creation. When you once know how "to think", you can create at will anything you wish--whether it be a new personality, a new environment--or a new world.

If you will allow that wondrous tool to be guided in goodly transition you will come to KNOW that all consciousness is One, and how it is all God's Consciousness manifest in His creations. This understanding gives rise to the fact that all invisible cells will unite and form the various organisms for the expression and use of the different Centers of Intelligence in Association (CIA; according to God) through which God desires to "express".

Well, chelas, you were created in God's Image and Likeness after which was breathed into you the Breath of Life and ye became a Living Soul.


By creating man in God's Image and Likeness, He created an organism capable of expressing ALL of His Consciousness and all of His Will, which means likewise all of His POWER, INTELLIGENCE--AND LOVE! HE THEREFORE MADE IT PERFECT IN THE BEGINNING, PATTERNING IT AFTER HIS OWN PERFECTION.

When God breathed into man's organism His Breath, it became alive with Him; for then it was He who breathed into it His Will--not from without, but from within--from the Kingdom of Heaven within, where always He IS. Ever afterward He breathed and lived and had His Being within man, for He created him in His Own Image and Likeness ONLY FOR THAT PURPOSE.

The proof of this is: man does not and cannot breathe of himself. Something far greater than his conscious, natural self lives in his body and breathes through his very lungs. A mighty power within his body thus uses the lungs, even as it uses the heart to force the blood containing the life indrawn through the lungs to every cell of the body; as it uses the stomach and other organs to digest and assimilate food to make blood, tissue, hair and bone; as it uses the brain, the tongue, the hands and feet, to think and say and do everything that man does.

This power is God's Will to BE and LIVE in man. Therefore, whatever man is, God IS, and whatever man does, or you do, God DOES, and whatever you say or think, it is God Who says or thinks it through your organism.

Please give some of your thoughts to this matter for you have been sorely misled and it shall be costly indeed if you see not the Truth and reality of your presence and reality. So be it.


Back to the CIA and other dreary, dark secrets thrust against you. First in order this day in this writing is a further outlay of activities of Kissinger and Clone Bush because it is such an integral part of the Intelligence Cult mentality and organization. I simply cannot rush through this uncovering in limited measure for it is all so entangled that it must be unraveled thread by thread. Thank you for your attention and please do not spend time flailing self for that which you knew not--come into KNOWING and then the creative thoughts for action will start to surge.

I am overwhelming Dharma with information and I must take caution lest I rush too quickly. I consider that if she can write it--you can read it in even less time and that measures my output to your needs--if you get behind, it is of your doing for I shall not slow the pace and yet you MUST realize from day to day that much is going on which I cannot even begin to touch upon.

Two things of great importance are: First Colonel Fletcher Prouty (now famous because of the JFK uncover) has such abundant information of even more importance to you that I know not how to get it all to you. He has just exposed that there exists an Anglo-American "Murder, Inc." which targets and undermines the sovereignty of the European nations. So you see--the threads of the web move in all directions to encompass the globe--BUT THE HEART OF THE WEB ALWAYS RESIDES IN THE ONE FOCUS--THE GLOBAL CONTROLLERS, IN PRACTICAL REFERENCE: THE COMMITTEE OF 300.

Second, you need to know all about the "collapse of Olympia and York Real Estate corporations".

The Bank of England is right now coordinating a massive international effort to prevent the insolvency of the Canadian-based real estate giant from bringing down the international dollar credit system. The effort involves Canada's central bank and the U.S. Federal Reserve. It is all a part and parcel of the "dope" business run by the Bush Brush Gang and I need to tell you about it, so please bear with us while I effort to run on through the Kissinger clone business.

Chelas, PLEASE COUNT YOUR CALENDAR YEARS--THE CONSPIRACY LAID FORTH "PLAN 2000" AND THAT MEANS, BY ANY LANGUAGE--TOTAL CONTROL OF ALL NATIONS AND PEOPLE--BY YEAR 2000! You are IN IT, beloved ones, for time has run out for them to bring down the prison doors. PLEASE WAKE UP!!


The farce of Bush's pantomime in support of the Kissinger China card very nearly turned into the tragedy of general war in late 1971. This involved the December 1971 war between India and Pakistan, which led to the creation of an independent state of Bangladesh, and which must be counted as one of the least-known thermonuclear confrontations of the U.S.A. and U.S.S.R. For Kissinger and Bush, what was at stake in this crisis was the consolidation of the China card.

In 1970, Yahya Khan, the British-connected, Sandhurst-educated dictator of Pakistan, was forced to announce that elections would be held in the entire country. It will be recalled that Pakistan was at that time two separate regions, East and West, with India in between. In East Pakistan or Bengal, the Awami League of Sheik Mujibur Rahman campaigned on a platform of autonomy for Bengal, accusing the central government in far-off Islamabad of ineptitude and exploitation. The resentment in East Pakistan was made more acute by the fact that Bengal had just been hit by a typhoon, which had caused extensive flooding and devastation, and by the failure of the government in West Pakistan to organize an effective relief effort. In the elections, the Awami League won 167 out of 169 seats in the East. Yahya Khan delayed the seating of the new national assembly and, on the evening of March 25, ordered the Pakistani Army to arrest Mujibur and to wipe out his organization in East Pakistan.


The army proceeded to launch a campaign of political genocide in East Pakistan. Estimates of the number of victims range from 500,000 to 3 million dead. All members of the Awami League, all Hindus, all students and intellectuals were in danger of execution by roving army patrols. A senior U.S. Foreign Service officer sent home a dispatch in which he told of West Pakistani soldiers setting fire to a women's dormitory at the University of Dacca and then machine-gunning the women when they were forced by the flames to run out. Chelas, this is evil at its height of horror. This campaign of killing went on until December and it generated an estimated 10 million refugees which caused indescribable chaos in India, whose government was unable to prevent untold numbers from starving to death.

From the very beginning of this monumental genocide, Kissinger and Nixon made it clear that they would not condemn Yahya Khan whom Nixon considered a personal friend. Kissinger referred merely to the "strong-arm tactics of the Pakistani military", and Nixon circulated a memo in his own handwriting saying, "To all hands. Don't squeeze Yahya at this time." Nixon stressed repeatedly that he wanted to "tilt" in favor of Pakistan in the crisis.

One level of explanation for this active complicity in genocide was that Kissinger and Nixon regarded Yahya Khan as their indispensable back channel to Peking. But Kissinger could soon go to Peking any time he wanted, and soon he could talk to the Chinese U.N. delegate in a New York safe house. The essay and support for the butcher Yahya Khan was this: In 1962, India and China had engaged in brief border war, and the Peking leaders regarded India as their geopolitical enemy. In order to ingratiate himself with Chou and Mao, Kissinger wanted to take a position in favor of Pakistan, and therefore of Pakistan's ally China, and against India and against India's ally, the U.S.S.R. (Shortly after Kissinger's trip to China had taken place and Nixon had announced his intention to go to Peking, India and the U.S.S.R. signed a 20 year friendship treaty.)

In Kissinger's view, the Indo-Pakistani conflict over Bengal was sure to become a Sino-Soviet clash by proxy, and he wanted the United States aligned with China in order to impress Peking with the vast benefits to be derived from the U.S.-P.R.C. strategic alliance under the heading of the "China card".

Kissinger and Nixon were isolated within the Washington bureaucracy on this issue. Secretary of State Rogers was very reluctant to go on supporting Pakistan, and this was the prevalent view in Foggy Bottom and in the embassies around the world. Nixon and Kissinger were isolated from the vast majority of congressional opinion, which expressed horror and outrage over the extent of the carnage being carried out week after week, month after month, by Yahya Khan's armed forces. Even the media and U.S. public opinion could not find any reason for the friendly "tilt" in favor of Yahya Khan. On July 31, Kissinger exploded at a meeting of the Senior Review Group when a proposal was made that the Pakistani army could be removed from Bengal. "Why is it our business how they govern themselves?" Kissinger raged. "The President always says to tilt to Pakistan, but every proposal I get from inside the U.S. government is in the opposite direction. Sometimes I think I am in a nut house." This went on for months. On December 3, at a meeting of Kissinger's Washington Special Action Group, Kissinger exploded again, exclaiming, "I've been catching unshirted hell every half-hour from the president who says we're not tough enough. He really doesn't believe we're carrying out his wishes. He wants to tilt toward Pakistan and he believes that every briefing or statement is going the other way."

Please don't act shocked, readers--the gist of these statements were printed and published in Jack Anderson's syndicated column, and reprinted in Jack Anderson's, THE ANDERSON PAPERS (New York: Quadrangle/New York Times Book Co. New York Random House, 1973).

But no matter what Rogers, the State Department and the rest of Washington bureaucracy might do, Kissinger knew that George Bush at the U.N. would play along with the pro-Pakistan tilt. "And I knew that George Bush, our able U.N. ambassador, would carry out the President's policy," wrote Kissinger in his memoirs, in describing his decision to drop U.S. opposition to a Security Council debate on the subcontinent. This made Bush one of the most degraded and servile U.S. officials of the era.


Indira Gandhi had come to Washington in November to attempt a peaceful settlement to the crisis, but was crudely snubbed by Nixon and Kissinger. The chronology of the acute final phase of the crisis can be summed up as follows:

December 3, 1971: Yahya Khan ordered the Pakistani Air Force to carry out a series of surprise air raids on Indian air bases in the north and west of India. These raids were not effective in destroying the Indian Air Force on the ground, which had been Yahya Khan's intent, but Yahya Khan's aggression did precipitate the feared Indo-Pakistani war. The Indian Army made rapid advances against the Pakistani forces in Bengal, while the Indian Navy blockaded Pakistan's ports. At this time, the biggest-ever buildup in the Soviet naval forces in the Indian Ocean also began.

December 4: At the U.N. Security Council, George Bush delivered a speech in which his main thrust was to accuse India of repeated incursions into East Pakistan, and challenging the legitimacy of India's resort to arms, in spite of the plain evidence that Pakistan had struck first. Bush introduced a draft resolution which called on India and Pakistan immediately to cease all hostilities. Bush's resolution also mandated the immediate withdrawal of all Indian and Pakistani armed forces back to their own territory, meaning in effect that India should pull back from East Pakistan and let Yahya Khan's forces there get back to their mission of genocide against the local population. Observers were to be placed along the Indo-Pakistani borders by the U.N. Secretary General.

Bush's resolution also contained a grotesque call on India and Pakistan to "exert their best efforts toward the creation of a climate conducive to the voluntary return of refugees to East Pakistan". This resolution was out of touch with the two realities: that Yahya Khan had started the genocide in East Pakistan back in March, and that Yahya had now launched aggression against India with his air raids. Bush's resolution was vetoed by the Soviet representative, Yakov Malik.

December 6: The Indian government extended diplomatic recognition to the independent state of Bangladesh. Indian troops made continued progress against the Pakistani Army in Bengal.

On the same day, an NBC camera team filmed much of Nixon's day inside the White House. Part of what was recorded, and later broadcast, was a telephone call from Nixon to George Bush at the United Nations, giving Bush his instructions on how to handle the India-Pakistan crisis, "Some, all over the world, will try to make this basically a political issue," said Nixon to Bush. "You've got to do what you can. More important than anything else now is to get the facts out with regard to what we have done, that we have worked for a political settlement, what we have done for the refugees and so forth and so on. If you see that some here in the Senate and House, for whatever reason, get out and misrepresent our opinions, I want you to hit it frontally, strongly, and toughly; is that clear? Just take the gloves off and crack it, because you know exactly what we have done, OK?" You can check this one out also--with references-- from Jack Anderson previously mentioned book. op. cit., p.226. I am not going to waste time referencing all my information--for several urgent reasons, but "time" is reason enough and you can follow on with what I do present.


December 7: George Bush at the U.N. made a further step forward toward global confrontation by branding India as the aggressor in the crisis, as Kissinger approvingly notes in his memoirs. Bush's draft resolution, described above, which had been vetoed by Malik in the Security Council, was approved by the General Assembly by a non-binding vote of 104 to 11, which Kissinger considered a triumph for Bush. But on the same day, Yahya Khan informed the government in Washington that his military forces in East Pakistan were rapidly disintegrating. Kissinger and Nixon seized on a dubious report from an alleged U.S. agent at a high level in the Indian government which purported to summarize recent remarks of Indira Gandhi to her cabinet. According to this report, which may have come from the later Prime Minister Moraji Desai, Mrs. Gandhi had pledged to conquer the southern part of Pakistani-held Kashmir. If the Chinese "rattled the sword", the report quoted Mrs. Gandhi as saying, the Soviets would respond. This unreliable report became one of the pillars for further actions by Nixon, Kissinger and Bush.

December 8: By this time, the Soviet Navy had some 21 ships either in or approaching the Indian Ocean, in contrast to a pre-crisis level of three ships. At this point, with the Vietnam War raging unabated, the U.S.A. had a total of three ships in the Indian Ocean--two old destroyers and a seaplane tender. The last squadron of the British Navy was departing from the region in the framework of the British pullout from east of Suez.

In the evening, Nixon suggested to Kissinger that the scheduled Moscow summit might be canceled. Kissinger raved that India wanted to detach not just Bengal, but Kashmir also, leading to the further secession of Baluchistan and the total dismemberment of Pakistan. "Fundamentally," wrote Kissinger of this moment, "our only card left was to raise the risks for the Soviets to a level where Moscow would see larger interests jeopardized,"-- by its support of India, which had been lukewarm so far.

December 9: The State Department and other agencies were showing signs of being almost human, seeking to undermine the Nixon-Kissinger-Bush policy through damaging leaks and bureaucratic obstructionism. Nixon, "beside himself" over the damaging leaks, called in the principal officers of the Washington Special Action Group and told them that while he did not insist on their being loyal to the President, they ought at least to be loyal to the United States. Among those Nixon insulted was Undersecretary of State, U. Alexis Johnson. But the leaks only increased.


December 10: Kissinger ordered the U.S. Navy to create Task Force 74, consisting of the nuclear aircraft carrier Enterprise, with escort and supply ships, and to have these ships proceed from their post at Yankee Station in the Gulf of Tonkin off Vietnam to Singapore. Is anyone getting a bit scared at "what you don't know" and which has been hurting you all these years? Reread that again: "NUCLEAR AIRCRAFT CARRIER"— "KISSINGER ORDERED". DOES THIS REALLY SOUND LIKE THE GOOD OLD U.S.A. YOU KNEW AND LOVED??? WHO ARE YOU ASKING GOD TO BLESS WHEN YOU SING--"GOD BLESS THE U.S.A. "??

In Dacca, East Pakistan, Major General Rao Farman Ali Khan, the commander of Pakistani forces in Bengal, asked the United Nations representative to help arrange a cease-fire, followed by the transfer of power in East Pakistan to the elected representatives of the Awami League and the "repatriation with honor" of his forces back to West Pakistan. At first it appeared that this de facto surrender had been approved by Yahya Khan. But when Yahya Khan heard that the U.S. fleet had been ordered into the Indian Ocean (undoubtedly for "regular exercises" as presented to you-the-people and I don't believe U.S. meant U.N. as a Freudian slip), he was so encouraged that he junked the idea of a surrender and ordered Gen. Ali Khan to resume fighting, which he most certainly did--instantly.

Colonel Melvin Hoist, the U.S. military attache in Katmandu, Nepal, a small country sandwiched between India and China in the Himalayas, received a call from the Indian military attache, who asked whether the American had any knowledge of a Chinese military buildup in Tibet. "The Indian high command had some sort of information that military action was increasing in Tibet," said Hoist in his cable to Washington. The same evening, Col. Hoist received a call from the Soviet military attache, Loginov, who also asked about Chinese military activity. I told you long ago that you have never been anything other than allies with the Soviet Union. Loginov said that he had spoken over the last day or two with the Chinese military attache, Zhao Kuang-Chih, "advising Zhao that the P.R.C. should not get too serious about intervention because the U.S.S.R. would react, had many missiles, etc."

At the moment, the Himalaya mountain passes, the corridor for any Chinese troop movement, were all open and free from snow. The CIA had noted "war preparations" in Tibet over the months since the Bengal crisis had begun. Nikolai Pegove, the Soviet ambassador to New Dehli, had assured the Indian government that in the eventuality of a Chinese attack on India, the Soviets would mount a "diversionary action in Sinkiang".

December 11: Kissinger had been in town the previous day, meeting the Chinese U.N. delegate. Today Kissinger would meet with the Pakistani Deputy Prime Minister Ali Bhutto, in Bush's suite at the Waldorf-Astoria. Huang Hua, the Chinese delegate, made remarks which Kissinger chose to interpret as meaning that the "Chinese might intervene militarily even at this late stage."


December 12: Nixon, Kissinger and Haig met in the Oval Office early Sunday morning in the council of war. Yes, this is the same Haig who was on Larry King Live last evening telling you that ALL those little advisors, etc., MUST have limousine ser-vice at a moment's notice--also the same Haig that got fired when he was involved in "Nuclear War I" of which I wrote many JOURNALS back. Kissinger later described the meeting in point as a crucial meeting, where, as it turned out, "the first decision to risk war in the triangular Soviet-Chinese-American" geopolitical relationship was taken.

During Nixon's 1975 secret grand jury testimony to the Watergate Special Prosecution Force, the former President insisted that the United States had come "close to nuclear war" during the Indo-Pakistani conflict. According to one attorney who heard Nixon's testimony in 1975, Nixon had stated that "We had threatened to go to nuclear war with the Russians." Those remarks refer to the meeting of December 12, and the actions it set into instant motion.

Navy Task Force 74 was ordered to proceed through the Strait of Malacca and into the Indian Ocean, and it attracted the attention of the world media in so doing the following day. Task Force 74 was now on wartime alert.

At 11:30 a.m. local time, Kissinger and Haig sent the Kremlin a message over the Hot Line. This was the first use of the Hot Line during the Nixon Administration, and apparently the only time it was used during the Nixon years, with the exception of the October 1973 Middle East War. According to Kissinger, this Hot Line message contained the ultimatum that the Soviets respond to earlier American demands; otherwise Nixon would order Bush to "set in train certain moves" in the U.N. Security Council that would be irreversible. But is this all the message said? Kissinger comments in his memoirs a few pages later: "Our fleet passed through the Strait of Malacca into the Bay of Bengal and attracted much media attention. Were we threatening India? Were we seeking to defend East Pakistan? Had we lost our minds? It was in fact a sober calculation. We had some seventy-two hours to bring the war to a conclusion before West Pakistan would be swept into the maelstrom. It would take India that long to shift its forces and mount an assault. Once Pakistan's Air Force and Army were destroyed, its importance would guarantee the country's eventual disintegration.... We had to give the Soviets a warning that matters might get out of control on our side too. We had to be ready to back up the Chinese if at the last moment they came in after all, our U.N. initiative having failed.... However unlikely an American military move against India, the other side could not be sure; it might not be willing to accept even the minor risk that we might act irrationally." Whew--watch closely--a man with such evil egotistical attention desires will tell it all if you know where to look--start with Kissinger's memoirs.


These comments by Kissinger led to the conclusion that the Hot Line message of December 12 was part of a calculated exercise in thermo-nuclear confrontations as chicken games in which it is useful to hint to the opposition that one is insane. If your adversary thinks you are crazy, then he is more likely to back down, the argument goes. This goes too, for ones moving into a war such as the one in Iraq. Make all you nice people supporting the atrocities--believe that the leader of the opposition is THE "Madman" in point and not the really "madmen" doing the atrocity--in this case, the United States of America through the invisible guise of the United Nations who didn't know what had hit them. By the way--yellow ribbons represent the desired "let them show that they are cowards" presented by Bush and Kissinger. You must remember that the advisors still on board after Kissinger left--ARE MEMBERS OF KISSINGER AND ASSOCIATES. KISSINGER'S LEAVING, AFTER THE CHINA PROBLEMS, MEANS NOTHING EXCEPT LESS FOCUS WHILE HE CONTINUES HIS WORLD-WIDE SWEEP. Kissinger's reference to acting irrationally recalls the infamous RAND Corporation theories, of which we have elaborately written, of thermo-nuclear confrontations as "chicken games"--you might see identical messages.

The conclusion can only be, chelas, that on December 12, 1971, as you spoke of Christmas and shopping, the world was indeed at the very brink of thermo-nuclear war.

And so--where was little Georgie Porgy, Puddin' and Pie? We will take that up after a bit of a rest break so we can end this chapter before it fills the whole of the JOURNAL.

Thank you. Hatonn to stand-by.



WED., APRIL 1, 1992 11:47 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 229



Where was George? He was acting as the willing mouthpiece for madmen. Late in the evening December 12, Bush delivered the following remarks to the Security Council, which are recorded in Kissinger's memoirs:

"The question now arises as to India's further intentions. For example, does India intend to use the present situation to destroy the Pakistan army in the West? Does India intend to use as a pretext the Pakistani counterattacks in the West to annex territory in West Pakistan? Is its aim to take parts of Pakistan-controlled Kashmir contrary to the Security Council resolution of 1948, 1949, and 1950? If this is not India's intention, then a prompt dis-avowal is required. The world has a right to know: What are India's intentions? Pakistan's aims have become clear. It has accepted the General Assembly's resolution passed by a vote of 104 to 11. My government has asked this question of the Indian Government several times in the last week. I regret to inform the Council that India's replies have been unsatisfactory and not reassuring.

"In view of India's defiance of world opinion expressed by such an overwhelming majority, the United States is now returning the issue to the Security Council. With East Pakistan virtually occupied by Indian troops, a continuation of the war would take on increasingly the character of armed attack on the very existence of a Member State of the United Nations."

Bush introduced another draft resolution of pro-Pakistan tilt, which called on the governments of India and Pakistan to take measures for an immediate cease-fire and withdrawal of troops, and for measures to help the refugees. This resolution was also vetoed by the U.S.S.R.

December 14: Kissinger shocked U.S. public opinion by stating off the record to journalists in a plane returning from a meeting with French President Georges Pompidou in the Azores, that if Soviet conduct continued in the present mode, the U.S. was "prepared to reevaluate our entire relationship, including the summit." Now, dear ones, keep uppermost in mind that Kissinger was a Soviet creation--a full blown member of the KGB. Perhaps you can tell ME how he got into the position of running the United States and through you--the world?? By accident?

December 15: The Pakistani commander in East Pakistan, after five additional days of pointless killing, again offered a ceasefire. Kissinger claimed that the five intervening days had allowed the United States to increase the pressure on India and prevent the Indian forces from turning on West Pakistan.

December 16: Mrs. Gandhi offered an unconditional cease-fire in the west, which Pakistan immediately accepted. Kissinger opined that this decision to end all fighting had been "reluctant" on the part of India, and had been made possible through Soviet pressure generated by U.S. threats. Chou Enlai also said later that the United States had saved West Pakistan. Kissinger praised Nixon's "courage and patriotism" and his commitment to "preserve the balance of power for the ultimate safety of all free people." Apprentice geopolitician George Bush had carried out yeoman service in that immoral cause.

After a self-serving and false description of the Indo-Pakistani crisis of 1971, Kissinger pontificates in his memoirs about the necessary priority of geopolitical machinations: "There is in America an idealistic tradition that sees foreign policy as a context between evil and good. There is a pragmatic tradition that seeks to solve 'problems' as they arise. There is a legalistic tradition that treats international issues as juridical cases. There is no geopolitical tradition." In their stubborn pursuit of an alliance with the second strongest land power at the expense of all other considerations, Kissinger, Nixon and Bush were following the dictates of classic geopolitics. This is the school in which Bush was trained, and this is how he has reacted to every international crisis down through the Gulf War, which was originally conceived in London as a "geopolitical" adjustment in favor of the Anglo-Saxons against Germany, Japan, the Arabs, the developing sector and the rest of the world.


1972 was the second year of Bush's U.N. tenure and it was during this time that he distinguished himself as a shameless apologist for the genocidal and vindictive Kissinger policy of prolonging and escalating the war in Vietnam. During most of his first term, Nixon pursued a policy he called the "Vietnamization" of the war. This meant that U.S. land forces were progressively withdrawn, while the South Vietnamese Army was ostensibly built up so that it could bear the battle against the Viet Cong and the North Vietnamese regulars. This policy went into crisis in March 1972 when the North Vietnamese launched a 12-division assault across the Demilitarized Zone against the South. On May 8, 1972, Nixon announced that the full-scale bombing of the North, which had been suspended since the spring of 1968, would be resumed with a vengeance: Nixon ordered the bombing of Hanoi and the mining of Haiphong Harbor, and the savaging of transportation lines and military installations all over the country.

This mining had always been rejected as a tactic during the previous conduct of the war because of the possibility that bombing and mining the harbors might hit Soviet, Chinese, and other foreign ships, killing the crews and creating the risk of retaliation by these countries against the U.S.A. Now, before the 1972 elections, Kissinger and Nixon were determined to "go ape", discarding their previous limits on offensive action and risking whatever China and the U.S.S.R. might do. It was another gesture of reckless confrontation, fraught with incalculable consequences. Later in the same year, in December, Nixon would respond to a breakdown in the Paris talks with the Hanoi government by ordering the infamous Christmastime B-52 attacks on the North. Is this not a most interesting way to celebrate the perfection of a Christ Child's birthing? These are the same evil liars who always give you the old song-and-dance about asking God to bless the actions and take care of you. They laugh at you innocent believing lambs all the way to the slaughter pens. It pains me beyond expression to see these mighty men of evil sit in a congregation in some Church or another on Sunday morning and then "stroll" home to allow themselves to appear Godly. This becomes Evil in its most degrading form. Further, the church leaders and other members of the congregations reach into the depths of the same evil by blasphemy in the blessing of their presence. What might I have against "religion"? Exactly THIS! Any time anyone asks for blessings in WAR--IS NOT OF GOD. WAR AND BLOODSHED IS NOT OF GOD'S INSTRUCTIONS AND HE WOULD CERTAINLY NOT BLESS SUCH IN A TEMPLE IF IT BE HIS.

It was George Bush who officially informed the international diplomatic community of Nixon's March decisions. Bush addressed a letter to the Presidency of the U.N. Security Council in which he outlined what Nixon had set into motion:

"The President directed that the entrances to the ports of North Vietnam be mined and that the delivery of seaborne supplies to North Vietnam be prevented. These measures of collective self-defense are hereby being reported to the United Nations Security Council as required by Article 51 of the United Nations Charter. "

Bush went on to characterize the North Vietnamese actions. He spoke of "the massive invasion across the demilitarized zone and international boundaries by the forces of North Vietnam and the continuing aggression" of Hanoi. He accused the North of "blatant violation of the understandings negotiated in 1968 in connection with the cessation of the bombing of the territory of North Vietnam.... The extent of this renewed aggression and the manner in which it has been directed and supported demonstrate with great clarity that North Vietnam has embarked on an all-out attempt to take over South Vietnam by military force and to disrupt the orderly withdrawal of United States forces." Bush further accused the North of refusing to negotiate in good faith to end the war.

The guts of Bush's message, the part that was read with greatest attention in Moscow, Peking and elsewhere, was contained in the following summary of the way in which Haiphong and the other harbors had been mined:

"Accordingly, as the minimum actions necessary to meet this threat, the Republic of Vietnam and the United States of America have jointly decided to take the following measures of collective self-defense: The entrances to the ports of North Vietnam are being mined, commencing 0900 Saigon time May 9, and the mines are set to activate automatically beginning 1900 hours Saigon time May 11. This will permit vessels of other countries presently in North Vietnamese ports three daylight periods to depart safely."

In a long circumlocution, Bush also conveyed that all shipping might also be the target of indiscriminate bombing. Bush called these measures "restricted in extent and purpose". The U.S. was willing to sign a cease-fire ending all acts of war in Indochina (thus including Cambodia, which had been invaded in 1970, and Laos, which had been invaded in 1971, as well as the Vietnams) and bring all U.S. troops home within four months.

There was no bipartisan support for the bombing and mining policy Bush announced. Senator Mike Mansfield pointed out that the decision would only protract the war. Senator Proxmire called it "reckless and wrong". Four Soviet ships were damaged by these U.S. actions. There was a lively debate within the Soviet Politburo on how to respond to this, with a faction around Shelest demanding that Nixon's invitation to the upcoming Moscow superpower summit be rescinded. But Shelest was ousted by Brezhnev, and the summit went forward at the end of May. The "China card" theoreticians congratulated themselves that the Soviets had been paralyzed by fear of what Peking might do if Moscow became embroiled with Peking's new de facto ally, the United States.

Can you see how easy it is to deceive all with the simple assumption that you are enemies when in fact you are working hand in glove to accomplish THE SAME THING--REMEMBER "WE WILL TAKE YOU WITHOUT NEEDING TO FIRE A SHOT"?


As you will see, bombing civilians got to be one of your expert tactics and was carried through brilliantly right into and through the "Gulf War".

In July 1972, reports emerged in the international press of charges by Hanoi that the U.S.A. had been deliberately bombing the dams and dikes, which were the irrigation and flood control system around Vietnam's Red River. Once again it was Bush who came forward as the apologist for Nixon's "mad bomber" foreign policy. Bush appeared on the NBC Television "Today" show to assure the U.S. public that the U.S. bombing had created only the most incidental and minor impact" on North Vietnam's dike system. This, of course, amounted to a backhanded confirmation that such bombing had been done, and damage wrought in the process. Bush was in his typical whining mode in defending the U.S. policy against worldwide criticism of war measures that seemed designed to inflict widespread flooding and death on North Vietnamese civilians. According to North Vietnamese statistics, more than half of the North's 20 million people lived in areas near the Red River that would be flooded if the dike system were breached. An article which appeared in a Hanoi publication had stated that at flood crest many rivers rise to "six or seven meters above the surrounding fields" and that because of this situation "any dike break, especially in the Red River Delta, is a disaster with incalculable consequences."

Bush had never seen an opportunity for genocide he did not like. "I believe we are being set up by a massive propaganda campaign by the North Vietnamese in the event that there is the same kind of flooding this year--to attribute it to bombs whereas last year it happened just out of lack of maintenance," Bush argued.

"There has been a study made that I hope will be released shortly that will clarify this whole question," he went on. The study "would be very helpful because I think it will show what the North Vietnamese are up to in where they place strategic targets."

Does this sound familiar? Bombing of the civilian shelter in Baghdad got only reference to "placing military machines within the shelters" and "we had to bomb the old churches because they were using them for military purposes" and on and on and on--and you waved your yellow ribbons and shouted "on Bush, on Satan and God Bless America!" What Bush was driving at here was an allegation that Hanoi customarily placed strategic assets near the dikes in order to be able to accuse the U.S. of genocide if air attacks breached the dikes and caused flooding. Bush's military spokesmen used similar arguments during the Gulf War, when Iraq was accused of placing military equipment in the midst of civilian residential areas. How about all those "strategic equipment sites, etc.", in the baby milk factories?--which each one had to be bombed twice to make sure ability to make baby formula would be totally destroyed forever. Then, you see, you can prevent food and milk from reaching the people and you have them squarely helpless from both directions while still touting to the world your expertise and precision surgical bombing skills. Again the yellow ribbons waved madly and the song of "God Bless America" rose to an even higher pitch. You could even persecute the people at home who spoke against the war and call them non-patriots and non-supporters of the troops--THEY WERE THE ONLY ONES WHO DID SUPPORT THE TROOPS--IN AN EFFORT TO KEEP THEM ALIVE.

"I think you would have to recognize," retorted Bush, "that if there was any intention" of breaching the dikes, "it would be very, very simple to do exactly what we are accused of--and that is what we are not doing." Did you get that? Read it again! It is exactly the modus operandi and you use it with your children all the time to get them to do your will instead of their own.

The bombing of the North continued and reached a final paroxysm at Christmas, when B-52's made unrestricted terror bombing raids against Hanoi and other cities. The Christmas bombing was widely condemned, even by the U.S. press: "New Madness in Vietnam" was the headline of the St. Louis Post-Dispatch on Dec. 19; "Terror from the Skies", that of the New York Times Dec. 22; "Terror Bombing in the Name of Peace" of the Washington Post Dec. 28; and "Beyond all Reason" of the Los Angeles Times of Dec. 28. The only really amusing thing of all is that these papers are run by the very ones who were financing and thrusting the war to all-out destruction.

I would wish to spare your having to confront these things but I shall not spare you anything for you have allowed the evil beast to gain entry into God's very places of His most wondrous Creations--YOU. I am accused of bringing you terror and fear? Are these things not fearful? Or, does fear only come from the one who tells you? In the telling does it require that I become your enemy? I warn you--I am fast becoming your only FRIEND!


Yep, here we "go again".

Bush's activity at the U.N. also coincided with Kissinger's preparation of the October 1973 Middle East war. During the 1980's, Bush attempted to cultivate a public image as a U.S. politician who, although oriented toward close relations with Israel, would not slavishly appease every demand of the Israelis at the time of demand and the Zionist lobby in the United States, but would take an independent position designed to foster U.S. national interests. From time to time, Bush snubbed the Israelis by hinting that they held hostages of their own, and that the Israeli annexation of Jerusalem would not be accepted by the United States. For some, these delusions have survived even a refutation so categoric as the events of the Kuwait crisis of 1990-91. The same "distancing" and "pretend quarrels" always go hand in hand with the most atrocious of all events as they are formulated. This is so you won't notice what they are really planning.

Bush would be more accurately designated as a Zionist, whose differences with an Israeli leader like Shamir are less significant than the differences between Shamir and other Israeli politicians. Bush's fanatically pro-Israeli ideological-political track record was already massive during the U.N. years. But remember--Israel is only a part and parcel of Great Britain so you must now realize that the subject has nothing to do with Judean Jewry. It has everything to do with location and strong footholds in the middle of the Arab world so that destruction and power can glean all the assets of the entire area.

In September 1972, Palestinian terrorists describing themselves as the "Black September" organization attacked the quarters of the Israeli Olympic team present in Munich for the Olympic games of that year, killing a number of the Israeli athletes. The Israeli government seized on these events as carte blanche to launch a series of air attacks against Syria and Lebanon, arguing that these countries could be held responsible for what had happened in Munich. Somalia, Greece and Guinea came forward with a resolution in the Security Council which simply called for the immediate cessation of "all military operations". The Arab states argued that the Israeli air attacks were totally without provocation or justification, and had killed numerous civilians who had nothing whatever to do with the terrorist actions in Munich.

The Nixon regime, with one eye on the autumn 1972 elections and the need to mobilize the Zionist lobby in support of a second term, wanted to find a way to oppose this resolution, since it did not sufficiently acknowledge the unique righteousness of the Israeli cause and Israel's inherent right to commit acts of war against its neighbors. It was Bush who authored a competing resolution, which called on all interested parties "to take all measures for the immediate cessation and prevention of all military operations and terrorist activities." It was Bush who dished up the rationalizations for U.S. rejection of the first resolution. That resolution was no good, Bush argued, because it did not reflect the fact that "the fabric of violence in the Middle East is inextricably interwoven with the massacre in Munich....By our silence on the terror in Munich are we indeed inviting more Munichs?" he asked. Justifying the Israeli air raids on Syria and Lebanon, Bush maintained that certain governments "cannot be absolved of responsibility for the cycle of violence" because of their words and deeds, or because of their tacit acquiescence. Slightly later, after the vote had taken place, Bush argued that "by adopting this resolution, the council would have ignored reality, would have spoken to one form of violence but not another, would have looked to the effect but not the cause."

When the resolution was put to a vote, Bush made front-page headlines around the world by casting the U.S. veto, a veto that had been cast only once before in the entire history of the U.N. The vote was 13 to 1, with the U.S. casting the sole negative vote. Panama was the lone abstention. The only other time the U.S. veto had been used had been in 1970, on a resolution involving Rhodesia.

The Israeli U.N. Ambassador, Yosef Tekoah, did not attend the debate because of the Jewish holiday of Rosh Hashanah. But Israel's cause was well defended--by Bush. According to an Israeli journalist observing the proceedings who was quoted by the Washington Post, "Bush sounds more pro-Israeli than Tekoah would have." Of course, this is why Tekoah had to be absent celebrating his innocent holiday of spiritual witness while the evil dragon breathed the fire that burned the world. This is the way they work, chelas, and if you don't learn this--you will perish in those flames. Which flames, by the way, are called "Holocaust"!

Later in 1972, attempts were made by non-aligned states and the U.N. Secretariat to arrange settlement--the withdrawal of Israel from the territories occupied during the 1967 war. Once again, Bush was more Zionist than the Israelis.

In February of 1972, the U.N.'s Middle East mediator, Gunnar Jarring of Norway, had asked that the Security Council reaffirm the original contents of Resolution 242 of 1967 by reiterating that Israel should surrender Arab territory seized in 1967. "Land for Peace" was anathema to the Israeli government then as now. Bush undertook to blunt this non-aligned peace bid.

Late in 1972, the non-aligned group proposed a resolution in the General Assembly which called for "immediate and unconditional" Israeli withdrawal from the occupied territories while inviting other countries to withhold assistance that would help Israel to sustain its occupation of the Arab land. Bush quickly rose to assail this text.

In a speech to the General Assembly in December 1972, Bush warned the assembly that the original text of Resolution 242 was "the essential agreed basis for U.N. peace efforts and this body and all its members should be mindful of the need to preserve the negotiation asset that it represents." "The assembly," Bush went on, "cannot seek to impose a course of action on the countries directly concerned, either by making new demands or favoring the proposals or positions of one side over the other." Never, never would George Bush ever take sides or accept a double standard of this type, he proclaimed sternly.


From January 28 through February 4, 1972, the Security Council held its first meeting in twenty years outside of New York City. The venue chosen was Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Bush made this the occasion for a trip through the Sudan, Kenya, Zambia, Zaire, Gabon, Nigeria, Chad and Botswana. Bush later told a House subcommittee hearing that this was his second trip to Africa, with the preceding one having been a junket to Egypt and Libya "in 1963 or 1964". During this trip, Bush met with seven chiefs of state, including President Mobutu of Zaire, Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia, President Tombalbaye of Chad, and President Numayri of the Sudan.

At a press conference in Addis Ababa, African journalists destabilized Bush with aggressive questions about the U.S. policy of ignoring mandatory U.N. economic sanctions against the racist, white supremacist Ian Smith regime in Rhodesia. The Security Council had imposed the mandatory sanctions, but later the U.S. Congress had passed, and Nixon had signed into law, legislation incorporating the so-called Byrd amendment, which allowed the U.S.A. to import chrome from Rhodesia in the event of shortages of that strategic raw material. Chrome was readily available on the world market, especially from the U.S.S.R., although the Soviet chrome was more expensive than the Rhodesian chrome. In his congressional testimony, Bush whined at length about the extensive criticism of this declared U.S. policy of breaching the Rhodesian sanctions on the part of "those who are just using this to really hammer us from a propaganda standpoint....We have taken the rap on this thing," complained Bush. "We have taken the heat on it...We have taken a great deal of abuse from those who wanted to embarrass us in Africa, to emphasize the negative and not the positive in the United Nations." Bush talked of his own efforts at damage control on the issue of U.S. support for the racist Rhodesian regime: "...what we are trying to do is to restrict any hypocrisy we are accused of....I certainly don't think the U.S. position should be that the Congress was trying to further colonialism and racism in this action it took," Bush told the congressmen. "In the U.N., I get the feeling we are categorized as imperialists and colonialists and I make clear this is not what America stands for, but nevertheless it is repeated over and over and over again," he whined.

On the problems of Africa in general, Bush, ever true to Malthusian form, stressed above all the overpopulation of the continent. As he told the congressmen: "Population was one of the things I worked on when I was in the Congress with many people here in this room. It is something that the U.N. should do. It is something where we are better served to use a multilateral channel, but it has got to be done efficiently and effectively. There has to be some delivery systems. It should not be studied to death if the American people are going to see that we are better off to use a multilateral channel and I am convinced we are. We don't want to be imposing American standards of rate of growth on some country, but we are saying that if an international community decides it is worthwhile to have these programs and education, we want to strongly support it."



Bush spent just under two years at the U.N. His tenure coincided with some of the most monstrous crimes against humanity of the Nixon-Kissinger team, for whom Bush functioned as an international spokesman, and to whom no Kissinger policy was too odious to be enthusiastically proclaimed before the international community and world public opinion. Through his doggedly loyal service, Bush forged a link with Nixon that would be ephemeral but vital for his career, while it lasted, and a link with Kissinger that would be decisive in shaping Bush's own administration in 1988-89.

The way in which Bush set about organizing the anti-Iraq coalition of 1990-91 was decisively shaped by his United Nations experience. His initial approach to the Security Council, the types of resolutions that were put forward by the United States, and the alternation of military escalation with consultations among the five permanent members of the Security Council--all this harkened back to the experience Bush acquired as Kissinger's envoy to the world body.

* * *


I just want to ask in closing: Is anybody out there getting mad yet? How about mad enough to not take it any more? Oh well, perhaps God expects too much! Well, so what are you going to do about it? I suggest you go back and read as many of the JOURNALS as you can get your eyes on and then, perhaps, you shall get creative.

If you will but turn unto God, and will carefully watch for and study these impressions which you are receiving every moment, and will learn to trust them, and thus to wait upon and rest in God, putting all your faith in Him, verily He will guide you in all your ways; He will solve for you all your problems, make easy all your work, and you will be led among green pastures, beside the still waters of life. I suggest you reach out and put your hand in the hand of the One who stilled the waters; put your hand in the hand of the One who calmed the seas--take a look at yourself and you'll see all things differently--then, put your hand in the hand of the Man from Galilee!!

May the peace and WORD of God rest easily on your soul as you awaken. We are here to bring you home. Salu.

Hatonn to clear, please.



THU., APRIL 2, 1992 7:34 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 230



I am reminded that ALL thoughts are about "living" (not necessarily "life") and not about after "death". Perhaps it is time to integrate the two from the physical plane that you may have insight into that which is the glory awaiting. AHO.

The path of life unfolds according to the needs of the one in experience of this wondrous manifestation and it can be joyous or hell, depending upon attitudes and KNOWING.

You shall learn that even in your business, or labor, or condition of life, are but incidents, or the outer vehicles chosen and used to carry you through certain experiences which are deemed best adapted to bring you to the great realization of God within from whence comes all thy strength and all thine blessings. At the same time it quickens in you certain Soul qualities that know but imperfectly "express".

If you can but KNOW God, dwelling thus in your being, accompanying you to your office, to your shop, to your labor, whatever it be, and will permit Him to direct your business and all your ways; verily I remind you, when you can do this, you will at once become conscious of a new Power within you, a Power that will grow and flow forth from you as a gentle, kindly sympathy, a true brotherliness, a loving helpfulness to all with whom you come in contact--but with the foundation of the rock upon which the power resides, inspiring them to higher principles of business and of life, creating in them a longing to shed a similar influence within their own circle; a Power that will attract TO you business, money, friends, and abundance of all things you need; A POWER THAT WILL CONNECT YOU WITH THE HIGHEST REALMS OF THOUGHT, ENABLING YOU BOTH TO VISION CLEARLY AND TO MANIFEST CONSCIOUSLY ALL GOD'S WONDROUS SHARED POWERS AND ATTRIBUTES EVERY MOMENT OF YOUR LIFE--HERE AND BEYOND INTO INFINITY. So shall it be.

In this manner you will no longer need to feed from another's opinions of doctrines for you will have come within that which is wondrous. You will no longer feel need to go to churches or religious meetings save for the social aspect of such gatherings (if there be any of worthy nature), or even to read the teachings of God's revelations, in order to find GOD and to dwell within GOD. May you always walk with God that your journey may be wondrous and your experience worthy. Salu.


That which we have been giving unto you is unfolding in the seeming reality of experience which is taking place around your beings. Everything from the lies attending Israel/U.S. arms to the buying off of the Soviets in blackmail.

But you have just begun this journey into Truth and the road will be strewn with dead bodies of ones who saw not. You shall need pass them by and move forward if you will turn about the insanity of the nations into a course toward balance and harmony among men.


Dear ones, the reason you have opportunity to "buy" the Soviet advanced technology is because they no longer need it--their space technology has advanced beyond the need of nuclear thrust systems as you recognize them. In other words you are purchasing material which is obsolete and they laugh at you all the way to the bank. How much blackmail can you afford? Good luck!



Save the children from Polio? Oh indeed, the presentation and great and wondrous "good" was showered upon you in the form of vaccinations, etc. Now what do I tell you? Oh no, Hatonn, you cry out. Oh yes, indeed, I must reply for the action against you was begun in the beginning of all "time" experience and through the ages one thing after another led unto this day.

You quarrel and take exception with me that most of your "immunizations" are "killer" immunizations. Here, therefore, is a good example: Researchers have found concrete evidence that polio vaccines used in the 1950's carried a virus that causes AIDS in monkeys. You can now check it out through a Robert Bohanon, a molecular virologist and president of a company developing AIDS test kits (if you find that more confirming), who has found that many stocks of polio vaccines used in major cities in the mid-1950's have tested positive for the virus in point.

Vaccine discoverers Jonas Salk and Albert Sabin confirm the shots administered to millions of people around the world WERE LATER FOUND TO BE CONTAMINATED WITH NUMEROUS "MONKEY" VIRUSES--INCLUDING THOSE WHICH CAUSE AIDS-LIKE DISEASES.


While you are hyping Jesse Jackson and his perfection as running mate for Brown--perhaps you'd better look again. I have warned you that he is high on the list of Council on Foreign Relations which is an integrated (into your government and business) worker for the Elite. Perhaps if I give perspective in the area of MONEY, you will be able to see and hear a bit more carefully.

$11,000 was paid for a Paris hotel bill for Jesse Jackson, his wife and a couple of other people--BY BCCI--after Jackson promised to lobby African central banks to redeposit their funds with BCCI. Nazir Chinoy, one head of BCCI's Paris branch, told a Senate subcommittee many African banks subsequently moved their funds.


Please note that Bush never ceases to amaze everyone in his varied enterprises. When have you had enough to refuse to "take it any more"?

You seem to have great difficulty believing that I could be giving you Truth--"it is just too far-out". How about hearing it from a responsible Representative from Texas--on the Banking Committee? How about Henry Gonzales who has uncovered yet another Bush Administration scandal, this one involving the extraordinary lengths Bush went to in order to protect Iraqi interests in the United States, even when Iraq was violating U.S. law. The massive cover-up went right on while your American family members were at war with that country!

Oh indeed, I told you--I also told you that Bush and Saddam had shared over $250 BILLION in BCCI. I hope that you precious ones will go back and catch up on your reading homework for you will find that we have missed very little. Hard to take? You had best believe it! Hard indeed!! However, your very survival depends upon that which you do about these things--AND YOU CAN DO IT WITH BALLOTS AND DEMAND OF RETURN OF YOUR CONSTITUTION.

The U.S. Justice Department quashed an indictment back in 1989 and 1990 concerning a multi-billion-dollar bank fraud case involving the Atlanta branch of the state-controlled Italian (Mafia, remember) bank, Banca Nazionale del Lavoro. Yes, we just recently wrote about this bank in quite a lot of detail. The case included $500 million in U.S. loan "guarantees" to Iraq. Of course the loans are NEVER expected to be paid back--for this is the way you transfer money in those circles--just like bounced checks in the House bank. The Iraqis have, of course and as planned, defaulted on the loans, which have now fallen on the backs of U.S. taxpayers.

At the time, the Bush State Department squelched any federal prosecutors from filing charges against the Central Bank of Iraq, a key player in the cute little scam.


It is now recognized, but not by you-the-people, that all the dealings were dead wrong and destructive in intent and practice. Good Gonzales has been placing all his findings into the Congressional Record (that is wherein a speaker gives his speech to a vacant House because no-one is interested in the material). He has entered documents and official correspondence and most House members haven't the slightest idea that it is even there. They are off covering assets and campaigning, you understand-- not representing you-the-people.

In late 1989 is revealed that once it had become clear that high-level Iraqis were involved in the $4 BILLION bank fraud, federal investigators had tried to persuade the Agriculture and State Departments to deny guarantees of $500 million in loans to the Iraqi government, but to no avail. The loan guarantees were made under direct pressure from George Bush and his ad-ministration enforcers, freeing up Iraqi funds to exchange for sophisticated weaponry THAT U.S. TROOPS ULTIMATELY FACED DURING THE GULF CONFLICT WITH IRAQ--THEY DIDN'T EVEN SHARE ANY OF THAT SO YOU COULD PURCHASE THOSE NICE YELLOW RIBBONS TO BEDECK THE HALLS.

The Iraqis not only have defaulted but refused to even consider hearing about the matter--which I'm sure, makes more sense than paying up for the pleasure of being precision and/or surgically bombed into oblivion--but, of course, only civilians.

Funny things happened: At the time the warnings about the fraud were made known to the Agriculture and State Departments, the federal prosecutors wanted to bring charges against the Central Bank of Iraq for its involvement in the scam but were soundly rebuffed and ordered to cease and desist.

However, interestingly enough, the day after President Bush ordered a cease-fire in the war with Iraq, then-Attorney General Richard Thornburgh announced a 347-count (that is quite a few counts) indictment against the Iraqi officials involved in the scam and former executives of the Atlanta branch of Bank Lavoro, as it is more commonly known. There are just simply bunches of documents between this Bank in point and the Federal Reserve Bank and any investigators who got "close" were thwarted at every turn. Do you not find this interesting?

At the time the illegal banking scheme was under way, between 1985 and 1989, the Reagan and Bush Administrations were trying to build stronger ties with Iraq. Does anyone remember that phase of lies? After the end of the Iran-Iraq War in 1988, the United States began assisting Iraq to rebuild its economy, in spite of warnings Iraq was using the aid to build up its war ma-chine. But of course it would have to be that way because you were also sending the weapons.

And what indictments finally came down? Charges that executives of the Atlanta branch defrauded the parent bank in Rome by arranging loans for Iraq without its knowledge. Some of those bank executives, who are also on the Elite list of good-kids, received hundreds of thousands of dollars in kickbacks from firms (also good-kids) seeking to do business with Iraq. This business, by the way, would have been quite impossible without the bank's huge infusion of cash. Where do you think the cash was coming from? I thought you might be beginning to see "connections" within the tangled webs. So be it.


The illegal we do immediately.
The unconstitutional takes a little longer.
Henry Kissinger

Dharma, before we move right off into our "Intelligence Cult" subject--let me share a moment with you as to confirmations and facts.

Rick has just come with a video tape rented from the local outlet. This movie in point is called EXECUTIVE ACTION, stars Burt Lancaster, Robert Ryan and Will Geer; an Edward Lewis Production, from Warner Brothers. It is a 1973 release so it is certainly not "new". And guess what! It is an outlay of things like the Kennedy assassination and also an expose' of such things as "the Plan" and the intention to reduce the world's population to 550 million people, etc., etc. For you who are having difficulty accepting all this "new" information, please avail yourselves of such material and it will give you more balance to understand the magnitude of the cover-ups and deceit. You could not know of these things for all evidence was carefully monitored in modes of transmission and you were not ready to "hear" in the midst of "good times". Be forgiving unto selves and set the past aside--it is through the actions of realization that impact shall be made--not flagellation of selves for past ignorance or non-attention as revelations occurred--THE TIME IS AT HAND--NOW, NOT "THEN".

Let us now return to the CIA:


TESTING: Once an agent has been recruited, his case officer immediately tests his loyalty and reliability. He will be given certain tasks to carry out which, if successfully performed, will establish his sincerity and access to secret information. The agent may be asked, for example, to collect information on a subject about which, unknown to him, the agency has already acquired a great deal of knowledge. If his reporting does not jibe with the previous intelligence, he is likely to be either a double agent attempting to mislead his case officer or a poor source of information clumsily trying to please his new employer. When feasible, the agent's performance will be carefully monitored during the testing period through discreet surveillance.

In addition, the new agent will almost certainly be required to take a lie-detector test. CIA operators place heavy reliance on the findings of a polygraph machine--referred to as the "black box"--in their agent operations. Polygraph specialists are available from headquarters and several of the agency's regional support centers to administer the tests on special assignment. According to one such specialist, testing foreign agents calls for completely different skills than questioning Americans under consideration for career service with the CIA. He found Americans to be normally straightforward and relatively predictable in their responses to the testing, making it comparatively simple to isolate someone who is not up to the agency's standards. But testing foreign agents, he says, is much more difficult. Adjustments must be made to allow for cultural differences, and for the fact that the subject is engaging in clearly illegal and highly dangerous secret work. An ideologically motivated agent, furthermore, may be quite emotional and thus unusually difficult to "read", or evaluate, from the machine's measurements. One spying solely for monetary gain or to satisfy some private vice may be impossible to read because there is no way of gauging his moral limits. Congenital liars, psychopaths, and users of certain drugs can frequently "beat the black box". According to the polygraph expert, a decision on the agent's reliability and sincerity is, therefore, based as much on the intuition of the tester as on the measurements of the machine. The agent, however, is led to believe that the black box is infallible, so if he is neither a well-trained double agent nor clinically abnormal, he will more than likely tell the truth.

[H: Of course, in the above matter--the agent will later be trained to defeat all such devices beginning with lie-detector equipment; it is a requirement prior to "graduation".]

When training can be provided to an agent, he will be taught the use of any equipment he may need--a miniature camera for photographing documents, for example. He will be instructed in one of several methods of covert communications--secret writing, coded or encrypted radio transmission, or the like. He will also learn the use of clandestine contacts. And he will be given training in security precautions, such as the detection and avoidance of surveillance.

Depending upon the agent's availability, however, and his estimated worth in the eyes of the Clandestine Services, he may receive only a few short lessons from his case officer on how to use an audio device or how to communicate with the agency through a series of cut-outs. Or he may be asked to invent a cover story to give to his family and his employer that will allow him to spend several days or even a couple of weeks at an agency safe house, learning the art of espionage. He may even seek an excuse to leave the country so he can receive instruction at a CIA facility in another nation, where it is much less likely to be observed by his country's security service. Or he may even be monitored while here by the CIA Office of Security. Special training facilities for foreign recruits, isolated from all other activities, exist at Camp Peary--"The Farm"--in southern Virginia.

While the tradecraft taught to the agent is unquestionably useful, the instruction period also serves as an opportunity for his case officer and the other instructors to motivate him and increase his commitment to the CIA's cause. The agent is introduced to the clandestine proficiency and power of the agency. He sees its tightly knit professional camaraderie. He learns that although he is abandoning his former way of life, he now has a chance for a better one. Good work on his part will be rewarded with political asylum; the government he is rejecting may even be replaced by a superior one. Thus his allegiance to his new employer is further forged. It is the task of the case officer to maintain this attitude in the mind of his agent.

HANDLING: Successful handling of an agent hinges on the strength of the relationship that the case officer is able to establish with his agent. According to one former CIA operator, a good case officer must combine the qualities of a master spy, a psychiatrist, and a father confessor.

There are two prevailing views within the CIA's Clandestine Services on the best way to handle, or run, an agent. One is the "buddy" technique, in which the case officer develops a close personal relationship with his agent and convinces him that they are working together to attain an important political goal. This approach can provide a powerful motivating force, encouraging the agent to take great risks for his friend. Most senior operators believe, however, that the "buddy" technique leads to the danger of the case officer forming an emotional attachment to his agent, sometimes causing the CIA man to lose his professional objectivity. At the other end of the agent-handling spectrum is the "cynical" style, in which the operator, while feigning personal concern for the agent, actually deals with him in a completely callous manner--one that may border on ruthlessness. From the beginning, this case officer is interested only in results. He drives the agent to extremes in an attempt to achieve maximum operational performance. This method, too, has its drawbacks: once the agent senses he is merely being exploited by his case officer, his loyalty can quickly evaporate.

Agents are intricate and, often, delicately balanced individuals. The factors which lead them into the clandestine game are many and highly complex. The stresses and pressures under which they must function tend to make such men volatile, often unpredictable. The case officer, therefore, must continually be alert for any sign that his agent is unusually disturbed, that he may not be carrying out his mission. The operator must always employ the right mixture of flattery and threats, ideology and money, emotional attachment and ruthlessness to keep his agent actively working for him.

With the Soviet Oleg Penkovsky, his British and CIA handlers found that flattery was a particularly effective method of motivation. Although he preferred British manners, Penkovsky greatly admired American power. Accordingly, he was secretly granted U.S. citizenship and presented with his "secret" CIA medal. [H: How many of you-the-people could swing such a thing? Does this truly sound like the "America" you once knew and loved and served?] As a military man, he was quite conscious of rank; consequently, he was made a colonel in the U.S. Army to show him that he suffered no loss of status because of his shift in allegiance.

On two occasions while Penkovsky was an active spy, he traveled outside the U.S.S.R. on official duty with high-level delegations attending Soviet-sponsored trade shows. Both times, first in London and then in Paris, he slipped away from his Soviet colleagues for debriefing and training sessions with British and American case officers. During one of the London meetings, he asked to see his U.S. Army uniform.

None of the CIA men, nor any of the British operators, had anticipated such a request. One quick thinking officer, however, announced that the uniform was at another safe house and that driving there and bringing it back for Penkovsky to see would take a while. The spy was temporarily placated, and a CIA case officer was immediately dispatched to find a colonel's uniform to show to the agent. After scurrying around London for a couple of hours in search of an American Army colonel with a build similar to Penkovsky's, the operator returned triumphantly to the debriefing session just as it was concluding--uniform in hand, Penkovsky was pleased.

[H: Do you think all of this is too preposterous to believe?? The next time you confront an army personnel--consider whether or not he might be who he says he is. Also, as you travel along the roadways--LOOK at the trucks. Do you actually KNOW what is within, say, a Piggly Wiggly trailer? How about what is within a "toxic" labeled truck--how about those tightly wrapped, funny shaped loads on flat-beds? DO YOU KNOW WHAT IS WITHIN?? OF COURSE NOT. Do you know what is aboard a train tanker car? How about an enclosed Sea-Land "ocean" carrier?? Would you recognize a missile if you saw one? Would you recognize anything broken into component parts--even your automobile or re-frigerator, much less components for an atomic fueled stealth craft of some kind? You must begin to give thought to these things for THIS IS HOW they have fooled you--BY THE OBVIOUS!)

Months later, in Paris, the CIA operators were better prepared. A brand-new uniform tailored to Penkovsky's measurements was hung in a closet in a room adjacent to where he was being debriefed, and he inspected it happily when the meeting was concluded.

In the 1950's the CIA recruited an Eastern European intelligence officer in Vienna whose motivation, like Penkovsky's, was essentially ideological. While he was promised a good salary (and a comfortable pension upon the completion of the operation, at which time he would formally defect to the United States), his case officer avoided making any direct payments to him in Vienna in order not to risk attracting the opposition's attention to him. The agent well understood the need for such precautions, yet after he had been spying for a while, he shocked his case officer one day by demanding a fairly substantial amount of cash. He refused to say why he wanted the money, but it was obvious to his case officer that the agent's continued good work for the agency was contingent on getting the money he had requested. After consultations with the local CIA station chief and with headquarters, it was finally decided that the risk must be taken and the agent was given the money, with the hope that he would not do something outlandish or risky with it. Agency operators then put him under surveillance to learn what he was up to. To their consternation, they discovered him the following weekend on the Danube River cruising back and forth in a motorboat which he had just bought. A few days afterward his case officer confronted him and demanded that he get rid of the boat for it was not something a man of his ostensibly austere circumstances could possibly have purchased on his own salary. The agent agreed, casually explaining that ever since he was a small boy he had wanted to own a motorboat. Now that yearning was out of his system and he was quite willing to give up the boat.

Another Eastern European, who spied briefly for the CIA years later, refused all offers of pensions and political asylum in the West. He wanted only Benny Goodman records.


One of the problems in handling an agent is caused by the changeover of case officers. In keeping with the CIA's policy of employing diplomatic and other forms of official cover for most of its operators serving abroad, case officers masquerading as U.S. diplomats, AID officials, Department of Defense representatives, and the like, must be transferred every two to four years to another foreign country or to Washington for a head-quarters assignment, as is customary with genuine American officials. A departing case officer introduces his replacement to all his agents before he leaves, but often the agents are initially reluctant to deal with a new man. Having developed an acceptable working relationship with one case officer, they usually are not eager to change to another. Their reluctance is often heightened by the agency's practice of assigning young case officers to handle already proven agents. In this way, junior operators can gain experience with agents who, as a rule, do not need as much professional guidance or sympathetic "hand-holding" as newly recruited ones. Most agents, however, feel that dealing with an inexperienced officer only increases the risks of compromise. All in all, making the changeover can be quite sticky, but it is almost always accomplished without permanent damage to the operation. If persuasion and promises are not adequate to retain the agent's loyalty, threats of blackmail usually are. The agency precaution of amassing incriminating evidence--secret contracts, signed payment receipts, tape recordings, and photographs-- generally will convince even the most reluctant agent to see things the CIA's way.

In certain highly sensitive operations the problem of case-officer changeover is avoided in deference to the wishes of a particularly highly placed agent. The potential damage to the operator's cover by his prolonged service in a given country is considered of less importance than the maintenance of the delicate relationship he has developed with the agent. Similarly, in those situations where a


the agency officer may serve as many as six or eight years on the operation before being replaced. And when he is eventually transferred to another post, great care is taken to select a re-placement who will be acceptable to the friendly chief of state.

TERMINATION: All clandestine operations ultimately come to an end. Those dependent upon agent activities have a short life expectancy and often conclude suddenly. The agent may die of natural causes or by accident--or he may be arrested and imprisoned, even executed. In any such event, the sole consideration of the CIA operators on the scene is to protect the agency's interests, usually by covering up the fact that the individual was a secret agent of the U.S. government. Sometimes, however, the agency itself must terminate the operation and dispose of the agent. The decision to terminate is made by the CIA chief of station in the country where the operation is in progress, with the approval of agency headquarters. The reason for breaking with an agent may be simply his loss of access to the secrets that the CIA is interested in acquiring; more complicated is emotional instability, lack of personal trustworthiness endangering the operation, or threat of imminent exposure and arrest. Worst of all, there may be a question of political unreliability--it may be suspected that the man is, or has become, a double agent, provocation, or deception controlled by an opposition intelligence service.

The useless or unstable agent can usually be bought off or, if necessary, successfully threatened. A reliable or useful agent in danger of compromise or exposure to the opposition, or an agent who has fulfilled his agreement as a spy and has performed well, can be resettled in another country, provided with the necessary funds, even assisted in finding employment or, at least, retrained for a new profession. In those cases where the agent has contributed an outstanding service to the CIA at great personal risk, particularly if he burned himself out in so doing, he will be brought to the United States for safe resettlement. The Director of Central Intelligence, under the CIA Act of 1949, can authorize the "entry of a particular alien into the United States for permanent residence....in the interest of national security or the furtherance of the national intelligence mission." The agent and his family can be granted "permanent residence without regard to their inadmissibility under the immigration or any other laws and regulations."


Resettlement, however, does not always go smoothly. And sometimes this is the fault of the CIA. In the late 1950's, when espionage was still a big business in Germany, former agents and defectors were routinely resettled in Canada and Latin America. The constant flow of anti-communist refugees to those areas was too much for the agency's Clandestine Services to resist. From time to time, an active agent would be inserted into the resettlement process. But the entire operation almost collapsed when, within a matter of months, both Canadian and Brazilian governments discovered that the CIA was using it as a means to plant operating agents in their societies.

Not all former agents are willing to be resettled in the United States, especially not on the CIA's terms. In the 1960's a high-ranking Latin American official who had been an agent for years was forced for internal political reasons to flee his native country. He managed to reach Mexico City, where agency operators again made contact with him. In consideration of his past services, the agency was willing to arrange for his immigration to the U.S. under the 1949 CIA law if he would sign an agreement to remain quiet about his secret connection with the U.S. government and not become involved in exile political activities in this country. The Latin American, who had ambitions to return triumphantly to his native country one day, refused to forgo his right to plot against his enemies back home, and wanted residence in the United States without citizenship, thus presenting the CIA with a difficult dilemma. As long as the former agent remained unhappy and frustrated in Mexico City, he represented a threat that his relationship with the agency and those of the many other CIA penetrations of his government which he knew about might be exposed. As a result, CIA headquarters in Langley sent word to the station in Mexico City that the ex-agent could enter the country without the usual preconditions. The agency's top officials hoped that he could be kept under reasonable control and prevented from getting too deeply involved in political activities which would be particularly embarrassing to the U.S. government.


It is only logical to believe that there are instances when termination requires drastic action on the part of the operators. Such cases are, of course, highly sensitive and quite uncommon in the CIA. But when it does become necessary to consider the permanent elimination of a particularly threatful agent [H: Such as Casey who was head of the CIA and could spill all the beans to Congress and you-the-people and who immediately came down with terminal, inoperable cancer of the brain which of course killed him in a matter of days.], the final decision must be made at the highest level of authority [H: Such as the President and Vice President (Bush) at the time.], by the Director of Central Intelligence. [H: You see, I believe you will agree that it probably was not Casey who decided it was time to meet his maker and therefore there would be only those higher authorities available and thus, you can know WHO ordered the murder.] With the exception of special or paramilitary operations, physical violence and homicide are not viewed as acceptable clandestine methods--unless they are acceptable to the Director himself.

* * *

There is too much here to absorb, Dharma, so allow us to take a break from the writing and allow ones to settle their own thoughts.

May insight into Truth be your guideline and shield. Salu.

Hatonn to clear, please.



THU., APRIL 2, 1992 2:27 P.M. YEAR 5, DAY 230



This is a brief update and request for you who are now aware of a second resource for information: THE WORD. This is a designation so that the requests for audio information goes directly to its source of "creation". There are two good reasons for this--one is that it goes directly for handling to a separate area immediately. Within a few days the post office box will also change and therefore I ask that you please be patient while all the rearrangements are being finalized here.

I would, further, ask that all material sent which is desired for my attention be sent henceforth to "THE WORD" as it will come directly to the "horse's nose". If you send orders for America West it is fine if they are included so as to save postage and we will make sure they are sorted accordingly. I appreciate your cooperation as it was becoming too much of burden for the small staff at America West to handle all the load. The volunteers who send the paper are our salvation for there is no way we could do the work without their unwavering labor, and do believe me, it is offered with such love and hopes.

The second reason for this change is that the book inventory is being shifted and a lot of mailing will be coming out of Nevada and I do not yet know of finalized addresses, phones, etc. This bit of separation will relieve the office crew greatly during this changeover and all orders which may be combined can be sorted and sent to proper locations.

We have been most grateful to the Greens for their support and taking of this massive burden and we wish to work in any way possible to make your service faster and their load a bit lighter. I am asking Dalene to basically take charge of the taping, etc., and Cort has set up a good, sound record keeping system and all have pitched in to make it as efficient as possible. Change is always difficult and unwieldy but I believe it can run quite smoothly as I shove off in increasing the information flow--the only way we can do it is to allow for audio tapes for we have about run out of Dharma's ability to increase in typing speed.

If we err, please be gentle as our workers are so few and the load so tremendous. Thank you.


There will be two volumes coming forth from America West in the near future which I wish to call into your attention to watch for because we have a tendency to allow slippage during great changeover. Dr. Coleman is working on an outlay of the Foundations, etc., and I have no title for that as of yet, so I assume we are some weeks away from printing. However, the "300" book has been in such demand that it has brought notice of the "surveillance groups", so we are being sure we don't stub our toes.

I ask that you ones understand that when I "push" a book, it is with great thought to the overall picture--not necessarily a blessing upon the belief system or projections of the author in point. This same assumption must work in reverse because some who bring truth in much of their work may well not agree with my discipline. My knowledge, however, is that before we are done and the play finished--they will!

Also being printed very soon is a volume from Esu through Little Dru and, as always, it is wondrous--it will lay out the course of God quite bluntly, succinctly and with such love that you shall be overjoyed and uplifted in the very reading. We will let you know as soon as either are available. You are all much like Dharma--sometimes even God is not enough and you want to hear it from the gentle "lamb" of radiance come into His perfection. Ah, 'tis the joy and "pride" of a father that I witness His growth in wisdom unto perfection. How wondrous for you ones who experience at this time that you might share in the moment of these great events. Will it not be wondrous when the circle is closed and is no more broken? Man longs for the "whole" and so shall it come to pass in your time upon the place of Creation as gifted unto you as a species and a civilization.

Let us now return to the subject in point for it seems so much information piles up that we shall never make it through and into the glories awaiting.


Two aspects of clandestine tradecraft which have particular applicability to classical espionage, and to agent operations in general, are secret communications and contacts. The case officer must set up safe means of communicating with his agent; otherwise, there will be no way of receiving the information that the agent is stealing, or of providing him with instructions and guidance. In addition to a primary communication system, there will usually be an alternate method for use if the primary system fails. From time to time, different systems will be employed to reduce the chances of compromising the operation. As with most activities in the intelligence game, there are no hard and fast rules governing communication with secret agents. As long as the methods used are secure and workable, the case officer is free to devise any means of contact with his agent that is suitable to the operational situation.

Many agents want to pass on their information verbally to the case officer. From their point of view, it is both safer and easier than dealing with official papers or using spy equipment, either of which could clearly incriminate them if discovered by the local authorities. The CIA, however, prefers documents. Documents can be verified, thus establishing the agent's reliability. They can be studied and analyzed in greater detail and with more accuracy by the intelligence experts at headquarters. In the Penkovsky case, for example, the secret Soviet documents he provided were far more valuable than his personal interpretations of events then occurring in Moscow's military circles.

On the other hand, some agents want to have as little personal contact as possible with their case officers. Each clandestine meeting is viewed as an invitation to exposure and imprisonment, or worse. Such agents would prefer to communicate almost exclusively through indirect methods or even by mechanical means (encoded or encrypted radio messages, invisible ink, micro-dots, and so on). But the CIA insists on its case officers having personal contact with their agents, except in exceptionally risky cases. Periodically, the spy's sincerity and level of motivation must be evaluated in face to face meetings with the operator.


Each time the case officer has a personal contact with his agent, there is the danger that the two will be observed by the local security forces, or by a hostile service such as the KGB. To minimize the risk of compromise, indirect methods of contact are employed most of the time, especially for the passing of information from the agent to the operator. One standard technique is the use of a "cut-out", an intermediary who serves as a go-between. The cut-out may be witting or unwitting; he may be another agent; he may even reside in another country. Regardless, his role is to receive material from either the agent or the case officer and then relay it to the other, without being aware of its substance.

Another technique is the dead-drop, or dead-letter drop. This is a kind of secret post-office box such as a hollow tree, the underside of a park bench, a crevice in an old stone wall [H: Even a phone booth with a brown paper sack.]--any natural and unlikely repository that can be utilized for transferring materials. (One of the dead-drops used in the Penkovsky operation was the space behind the steam-heat radiator in the entry of an apartment building in Moscow.) The agent simply deposits his material in the dead-drop at a prearranged time; later it is "serviced" by the case officer or a cut-out engaged for this single purpose.

Still another frequently used technique is that of the brush contact, in which the agent and his case officer or a cut-out meet in passing at some prearranged public place. The agent may encounter his contact, for example, on a crowded subway platform, in a theater lobby, or perhaps the two will manage to get close together for a moment, long enough for one to slip something into the other's hand or pocket. Or they may quickly exchange newspapers or briefcases. Such a contact is extremely brief as well as surreptitious, and usually it is quite secure if well executed.

Although the case officer makes frequent use of indirect contacts, he still must arrange personal meetings with his agent from time to time. Whenever there is a clandestine meeting--on a bus, in a park, at a restaurant--other CIA operators keep watch as a precaution against opposition monitoring or interference. This is known in the covert business as countersurveillance. The case officer works out safe and danger signals in advance of each rendezvous with both the agent and the countersurveillance team. In this way, the operator, the agent, or any member of the team can signal to the others to proceed with the meeting or to avoid or break off contact if something seems out of the ordinary. Safe houses (CIA-maintained residences) are also used for meetings with agents, especially if there is a lot to be discussed. A safe house has the advantage of providing an atmosphere where the agent and the case officer can relax and talk freely without fear of surveillance, but the more frequently one location is used, the more likely it is to be discovered by the opposition. The need for secrecy can keep the clandestine operator busy, but it is a need on which the clandestine operator thrives.

[H: a favored place for shifting documents is at the copy machine and this is how, for instance, SILENT WEAPONS FOR QUIET WARS came into the hands of we-the-people. The document had been "dropped" in the copy machine but something interrupted the receiver from recovering it. So when the old equipment was updated--out went the secret document (baby) with the "bathwater". It happens more often than you think.]


A few years ago [remember, this was first written in 1974] Newsweek magazine described the CIA as the most secretive and tightly knit organization (with the possible exception of the Mafia) in American society. The characterization is something of an overstatement, but it contains more than a kernel of truth. In its golden era, during the height of the Cold War, the agency did possess a rare elan; it had a staff of imaginative and daring officers at all levels and in all directorates. But over the years the CIA has grown old, fat, and bureaucratic. The esprit de corps and devotion to duty its staff once had, setting the agency apart from other government departments, has faded, and to a great degree it has been replaced by an outmoded, doctrinaire approach to its missions and functions. The true purpose of secrecy--to keep the opposition in the dark about agency policies and operations--has been lost sight of. Today the CIA often practices secrecy for secrecy's sake [H: And to never have to answer for any of their actions. In other words--total non-accountability.]--and to prevent the American public from learning of its activities. And the true purpose of intelligence collection--to monitor efficiently the threatening moves of international adversaries--has been distorted by the need to nourish a collective clandestine ego.

[H: Please, "we-the-people", do not think the CIA files are being opened on the various scandals because you want to see within--the KGB is releasing files regarding your secret files and the you-know- what has hit the fan. The files had to be squared away and reproduced and tampered to allow bringing forth to counter the truth which the KGB intends to dump on you. Actually, they are "selling" the files to the highest bidders and guess who that will be in every instance! Moreover, it is exactly as with the obsolete thrust systems and other "advanced" technology you will buy--worthless and bringing a very high ransom price.]

* * *


After the U.S. invasion of Cambodia in 1970, a few hundred CIA employees (mostly younger officers from the Intelligence and Science and Technology directorates, not the Clandestine Services) signed a petition objecting to American policies in Indochina. Director Richard Helms was so concerned about the prospect of widespread unrest in the agency's ranks and the chance that word of it might leak out to the public that he summoned all the protesters to the main auditorium and lectured them on the need to separate their personal views from their professional duties. At the same time, similar demonstrations on the Cambodian issue were mounted at the State Department and other government agencies. Nearly every newspaper in the country carried articles about the incipient rebellion brewing in the ranks of the federal bureaucracy. The happenings at the CIA, which were potentially the most newsworthy of all, were, however, never discovered by the press. In keeping with the agency's clandestine traditions, CIA employees had conducted a secret protest.

To agency personnel who had had the need for secrecy drilled into them from their moment of recruitment, there was nothing strange about keeping their demonstration hidden from public view. Secrecy is an absolute way of life at the agency and, while outsiders might consider some of the resulting practices comical in the extreme, the subject is treated with great seriousness in the CIA. Training officers lecture new personnel for hours on end about "security consciousness", and these sessions are augmented during an employee's entire career by refresher courses, warning posters, and even the semi-annual requirement for each employee to review the agency's security rules and to sign a copy, as an indication it has been read. As a matter of course, outsiders should be told absolutely nothing about the CIA and fellow employees should be given only that information for which they have an actual "need to know". The penchant for secrecy sometimes takes on an air of ludicrousness. Secret medals are awarded for outstanding performance, but they cannot be worn or shown outside the agency. Even athletic trophies--for intramural bowling, softball and so on--cannot be displayed except when in the guarded sanctuary of the headquarters building. [H: Most of you will remember just recently that Oliver North made quite a tearful fuss over honoring those ones who could only be recognized in the secret places.]

CIA personnel become so accustomed to the rigorous security precautions (some of which are indeed justified) that they easily accept them all, and seldom are caught in violations. Nothing could be more natural than to work with a telephone book marked SECRET, an intentionally incomplete telephone book which lists no one working in the Clandestine Services and which in each semi-annually revised edition leaves out the names of many of the people employed by the overt directorates, so if the book ever falls into unauthorized hands, no enterprising foreign agent or reporter will be able to figure out how many people work at CIA headquarters, or even how many work in non-clandestine jobs. Those temporarily omitted can look forward to having their names appear in the next edition of the directory, at which time others are selected for telephonic limbo. Added to this confusion is the fact that most agency phone numbers are regularly changed for security reasons. Most employees manage to keep track of commonly called numbers by listing them in their own personal desk directories, although they have to be careful to lock these in their safes at night--or else risk being charged with a security violation. For a first violation the employee is given a reprimand and usually assigned to several weeks of security inspection in his or her office. Successive violations lead to forced vacation without pay for periods up to several weeks, or to outright dismissal.


Along with the phone books, all other classified material (including typewriter ribbons and scrap paper) is placed in these safes whenever an office is unoccupied. Security guards patrol every part of the agency at roughly half-hour intervals in the evening and on weekends to see that no secret documents have been left out, that no safes have been left unlocked, and that no spies are lurking in the halls. If a guard finds any classified material unsecured, both the person who failed to put it away and the person within the office who was assigned to double-check the premises have security violations entered in their personnel files.

These security precautions all take place inside a headquarters building that is surrounded by a twelve-foot fence topped with barbed wire, patrolled by armed guards and police dogs, and sealed off by a security check system that guarantees that no one can enter either the outer perimeter or the building itself without showing proper identification. Each CIA employee is issued a laminated plastic badge with his picture on it, and these must not only be presented to the guards on entry, but be kept constantly in view within the building. Around the edges of the badge are twenty or so little boxes which may or may not be filled with red letters. Each letter signifies a special security clearance held by the owner. Certain offices at the CIA are designated as restricted, and only persons holding the proper clearance, as marked on their badges, can gain entry. These areas are usually guarded by an agency policeman sitting inside a glass cage, from which he controls a turnstile that forbids passage to unauthorized personnel. Particularly sensitive offices are protected, in addition to the guarded turnstile, by a combination or cipher lock which must be opened by the individual after the badge is inspected.

Even a charwoman at the CIA must gain security clearance in order to qualify for the badge that she, too, must wear at all times; then she must be accompanied by an armed guard while she cleans offices (where all classified material has presumably already been locked up). Some rooms at the agency are considered so secret that the charwoman and her guard must also be watched by someone who works in the office.

The pervasive secrecy extends everywhere. Cards placed on agency bulletin boards offering items for sale conclude; "Call Bill, extension 6464". Neither clandestine nor overt CIA employees are permitted to have their last names exposed to the scrutiny of their colleagues, and it was only in 1973 that employees were allowed to answer their phones in any words other than those signifying the four-digit extension number.

Also until recent years all CIA personnel were required to identify themselves to non-agency people as employees of the State or Defense Department or some other outside organization. Now the analysis and technicians are permitted to say they work for the agency, although they cannot reveal their particular office. Clandestine Service employees are easily spotted around Washington because they almost always claim to be employed by Defense or State, but usually are extremely vague on the details and unable to furnish an office address. They do sometimes give out a phone number which corresponds to the correct exchange for their cover organization, but these extensions, through some deft wiring, ring in Langley. [H: Sounds like this computer--it just sort of prints out in about three covert places. My only objection to the arrangement is that when blocks of work get wiped out on this computer--they don't share with us and we have to rewrite. We have absolutely no bone to pick with anyone. We are here to bring the WORD OF GOD unto HIS PEOPLE. To get them to hear, we have to do all this tedious work and it frankly annoys me.]

* * *

Dharma, allow us to close this chapter at this point for I ask that the first of the document be prepared in such manner as to go into the current LIBERATOR.

Fortunate are the people whose roots are deep in the foundation of God's Light. But how often do you neglect your own roots? Do you nourish them so they in turn can fill you with confidence when your need is there for strength? To tend of thine roots you must come into knowledge of self and herein lies the most elusive knowledge of all--self-knowledge. Would you take a while to linger with me and be deliberate in listening to self and being gentle with self--gentle in the uplifting from thine backsides and into action? Be compassionate and loving unto self for you are all injured and the tears are near as the insult upon your senses are laying bare your souls. If the tears come--let them water your soul and bathe it in the love of non-pretense. Tears heal--and oh, chelas, the wounded are everywhere. But always be in the remembering: Pain is inevitable--SUFFERING IS OPTIONAL. SALU.

Hatonn to clear, thank you.



FRI., APRIL 3, 1992 9:04 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 231



The headquarters building, located on a partially wooded 125-acre tract eight miles from downtown Washington, is a modernistic fortress-like structure. Until the spring of 1973 one of the two roads leading into the secluded compound was totally unmarked, and the other featured a sign identifying the installation as the Bureau of Public Roads, which maintains the Fairbanks Highway Research Station adjacent to the agency.

Until 1961 the CIA had been located in a score of buildings scattered all over Washington. One of the principal justifications for the $46 million headquarters in the suburbs was that considerable expense would be saved by moving all employees under one roof. But in keeping with the best-laid bureaucratic plans, the headquarters building from the day it was completed, proved too small for all the CIA's Washington activities. The agency never vacated some of its old headquarters buildings hidden behind a naval medical facility on 23rd Street Northwest in Washington, and its National Photo Interpretations Center shares part of the navy's facilities in Southeast Washington. Other large CIA offices located downtown include the Domestic Operations Division, on Pennsylvania Avenue near the White House.

And in Washington's Virginia suburbs there are even more CIA buildings outside the headquarters complex. An agency training facility is located in the Broyhill Building in Arlington, and the CIA occupies considerable other office space in that county's Rosslyn section. Also at least half a dozen CIA components are located in the Tyson's Corner area of northern Virginia, which has become something of a mini-intelligence community for technical work due to the presence there of numerous electronics and research companies that do work for the agency and the Pentagon.

The rapid expansion of CIA office space in the last ten years did not happen as a result of any appreciable increase in personnel. Rather, the technological explosion, coupled with inevitable bureaucratic lust for new frontiers, has been the cause. As Director, Richard Helms paid little attention to the diffusion of his agency until one day in 1968 when a CIA official mentioned to him that still one more technical component was moving to Tyson's Corner. For some reason this aroused Helms' ire, and he ordered a study prepared to find out just how much of the agency was located outside of headquarters. The completed report told him what most Washington-area real-estate agents already knew, that a substantial percentage of CIA employees had vacated the building originally justified to Congress as necessary to put all personnel under one roof. Helms decreed that all future moves would require his personal approval, but his action slowed the exodus only temporarily.

When the CIA headquarters building was being constructed during the late 1950's, the subcontractor responsible for putting in the heating and air-conditioning system asked the agency how many people the structure was intended to accommodate. For security reasons, the agency refused to tell him, and he was forced to make his own estimate based on the building's size. The resulting heating system worked reasonably well, while the air-conditioning was quite uneven. After initial complaints in 1961, the contractor installed an individual thermostat in each office, but so many agency employees were continually readjusting their thermostats that the system got worse. The M&S Directorate then decreed that the thermostats could no longer be used, and each one was sealed up. However, the M&S experts had not considered that the CIA was a clandestine agency, and that many of its personnel had taken a "locks and picks" course while in training. Most of the thermostats were soon unlocked and back in operation.

At this point the CIA took the subcontractor to court to force him to make improvements. His defense was that he had installed the best system he could without a clear indication of how many people would occupy the building. The CIA could not counter this reasoning and lost the decision.

Another unusual feature of the CIA headquarters is the cafeteria. It is partitioned into a secret and an open section, the larger part being only for agency employees, who must show their badges to the armed guards before entering, and the smaller being for visitors as well as people who work at tine CIA. Although the only outsiders ever to enter the small, dismal section are employees of other U.S. government agencies, representatives of a few friendly governments, and CIA families, the partition ensures that no visitor will see the face of any clandestine operator eating lunch.

The CIA's "supergrades" (civilian equivalents of generals) have their own private dining room in the executive suite, how-ever. There they are provided higher-quality food at lower prices than in the cafeteria, served on fine china with fresh linens by black waiters in immaculate white coats. These waiters and the executive cooks are regular CIA employees, in contrast to the cafeteria personnel, who work for a contractor. On several occasions the Office of Management and Budget has questioned the high cost of this private dining room, but the agency has always been able to fend off the attacks, as it fends off almost all attacks on its activities, by citing "national security" reasons as major justification.

* * *

Questions of social class and snobbery have always been very important in the CIA. With its roots in the wartime Office of Strategic Services (the letters OSS were said, only half-jokingly, to stand for "Oh So Social"), the agency has long been known for its concentration of Eastern Establishment, Ivy League types. Allen Dulles, a former American diplomat and Wall Street lawyer with impeccable connections and credentials, set the tone for an agency full of Roosevelts, Bundys, Cleveland Amory's brother Robert, and other scions of America's leading families. There have been exceptions, to be sure, but most of the CIA's top leaders have been White, Anglo-Saxon, Protestant, and graduates of the right Eastern schools. While changing times and ideas have diffused the influence of the Eastern elite throughout the government as a whole, the CIA remains perhaps the last bastion in official Washington of WASP power, or at least the slowest to adopt the principle of equal opportunity.


It was no accident that former Clandestine Services chief Richard Bissell (Groton, Yale, A.B., Ph.D., London School of Economics, A.B.) was talking to a Council on Foreign Relations discussion group in 1968 when he made his "confidential" speech on covert action. For the influential but private Council, composed of several hundred of the country's top political, military, business, and academic leaders, has long been the CIA's principal "constituency" in the American public. When the agency has needed prominent citizens to front for its proprietary companies or for other special assistance, it has often turned to Council members. Bissell knew that night in 1968 that he could talk freely and openly about extremely sensitive subjects because he was among "friends". His words leaked out not because of the indiscretion of any of the participants, but because of student upheavals at Harvard in 1971.

It may well have been the sons of CFR members or CIA officials who ransacked the office housing the minutes of Bissell's speech, and therein lies the changing nature of the CIA (and the Eastern Establishment, for that matter). Over the last decade the attitudes of the young people who in earlier times would have followed their fathers or their fathers' college roommates into the CIA, have changed drastically. With the Vietnam War as a catalyst, the agency has become, to a large extent, discredited in the traditional Eastern schools and colleges. And, consequently the CIA has been forced to alter its recruiting base. No longer do Harvard, Yale, Princeton, and a few other Eastern schools provide the bulk of the agency's professional recruits, or even a substantial number.

For the most part, Ivy Leaguers do not want to join the agency, and the CIA now does its most fruitful recruiting at the universities of middle America and in the armed forces. While the shift unquestionably reflects increasing democratization in American government, the CIA made the change not so much voluntarily as because it had no other choice if it wished to fill its ranks. If the "old boy" network cannot be replenished, some officials believe, it will be much more difficult to enlist the aid of American corporations and generally to make use of influential "friends" in the private and public sectors.

Despite the comparatively recent broadening of the CIA's recruiting base, the agency is not now and has never been an equal-opportunity employer. The agency has one of the smallest percentages--if not the smallest--of blacks of any federal department. [H: And take note of the fact that many of those serve in the dining areas and maintenance areas. This is a White-Anglo-Saxon elite organization established by the Committee of 300 through British Intelligence.] The CIA's top management had this forcefully called to their attention in 1967 when a local civil-rights activist wrote to the agency to complain about minority hiring practices. A study was ordered at that time, and the CIA's approximately 12,000 non-clerical employees, and even the proportion of black secretaries, clerks, and other non-professionals was considerably below that of most Washington-area government agencies. One might attribute this latter fact to the agency's suburban location, but blacks were notably well represented in the guard and char forces.

Top officials seemed surprised by the results of the 1967 study because they did not consider themselves prejudiced men. They ordered increased efforts to hire more blacks, but these were not particularly successful. Young black college graduates in recent years have shied away from joining the agency, some on political grounds and others because of the more promising opportunities available in the private sector. Furthermore, the CIA recruiting system could not easily be changed to bring in minorities. Most of the "spotting" of potential employees is done by individual college professors who are either friends or consultants of the agency, and they are located on predominantly white campuses where each year they hand-pick a few carefully selected students for the CIA.

The paucity of minority groups in the CIA goes well beyond blacks, however. In 1964 the agency's Inspector General did a routine study of the Office of National Estimates (ONE). The Inspector found no black, Jewish, or women professionals, and only a few Catholics, ONE immediately took steps to bring in minorities. One woman professional was hired on a probationary basis, and one black secretary was brought in. When the professional had finished her probation, she was encouraged to find work elsewhere, and the black secretary was given duties away from the main ONE offices--out of sight in the reproduction center. ONE did bend somewhat by hiring a few Jews and some additional Catholics.

There are extremely few women in high-ranking positions in the CIA but, of course, the agency does employ women as secretaries and for other non-professional duties. As is true with all large organizations, there is a high turnover in these jobs, and the agency each year hires a thousand or more new applicants. In a search for suitable candidates, from the mostly white small towns and cities of Virginia and the neighboring states, Maryland, West Virginia, and Pennsylvania. Washington, with its overwhelming black majority, supplies comparatively few of the CIA's secretaries. Over the years the recruiters have established good contacts with high-school guidance counselors and principals in the nearby states, and when they make their annual tour in search of candidates, interested girls are steered their way, with several from the same class often being hired at the same time. When the new secretaries come to CIA headquarters outside of Washington, they are encouraged to live in agency-selected apartments in the Virginia suburbs, buildings in which virtually all the tenants are CIA employees.

Security considerations play a large part in the agency's lack of attention to urban areas in its secretarial recruiting. All agency employees must receive full security clearances and women from small towns are easier and cheaper to investigate.

Moreover, the CIA seems actually to prefer secretaries with the All-American image who are less likely to have been "corrupted" or "politicized" than their urbanized sisters.

Agency secretaries, as well as all other personnel, must pass lie-detector tests as a condition of employment. Then they periodically--usually at five-year intervals or when they return from overseas assignment--must submit themselves again to the "black box". The CIA, unlike most employers, finds out nearly everything imaginable about the private lives of its personnel through these polygraph tests. Questions about sex, drugs, and personal honesty are routinely asked along with security-related matters such as possible contacts with foreign agents. The younger secretaries invariably register a negative reading on the machine when asked the standard: "Have you ever stolen government property?" The polygraph experts usually have to add the qualifying clause, "not including pens, pencils, or minor clerical items".

Once CIA recruits have passed their security investigations and lie-detector tests, they are given training by the agency. Most of the secretaries receive instruction in the Washington area, such instruction focusing on the need for secrecy in all aspects of the work. Women going overseas to type and file for their CIA bosses are given short course in espionage tradecraft. A former secretary reported that the most notable part of her field training in the late 1960's was to trail an instructor in and out of Washington department stores. This woman's training proved useful, however, when in her first post abroad, ostensibly as an embassy secretary, she was given the mission of surveilling an apartment building in disguise as an Arab woman.


The agency's professionals, most of them (until the 1967 NSA disclosures) recruited through "friendly" college professors, receive much more extensive instruction when they enter the CIA as career trainees (CTs). For two years they are on a probationary status, the first year is formal training programs and the second with on-the-job instruction. The CTs take introductory courses at a CIA facility, known as the Broyhill Building, in Arlington, Virginia, in subjects such as security, the organization of the agency and the rest of the intelligence comunity, and the nature of international communism. Allen Dulles, in his days as Director, liked to talk to these classes and tell them how, as an American diplomat in Switzerland during World War I, he received a telephone call from a Russian late on a Saturday morning. The Russian wanted to talk to a U.S. government representative immediately, but Dulles had a date with a young lady, so he declined the offer. The Russian turned out to be Nikolai Lenin, and Dulles used the incident to urge the young CTs always to be alert to the possible importance of people they meet in their work.

Afterward, CTs go to "The Farm", the establishment near Williamsburg that is disguised as a Pentagon research-and-testing facility and indeed resembles a large military reservation. Barracks, offices, classrooms, and an officers' club are grouped around a central point. Scattered over its 480 mostly wooded acres are weapons ranges, jump towers, and a simulated closed-border of a mythical Communist country. Away from these facilities are heavily guarded and off-limits sites, locations used for super-secret projects such as debriefing a recent defector, planning a special operation, or training an important foreign agent who will be returning to his native country to spy for the CIA.

As part of their formal clandestine training at "The Farm", the CTs are regularly shown Hollywood spy movies, and after the performance they collectively criticize the techniques used in the films. Other movies are also used, as explained by the former clandestine operator who wrote about his experience in the April 1967 Ramparts:

We were shown Agency-produced films depicting the CIA in action, films which displayed a kind of Hollywood flair for the dramatic that is not uncommon inside the Agency. A colleague who went through a 1963 training class told of a film on the U- 2 episode. In his comments prefatory to the film, his instructor intimated that President Eisenhower "blew his cool" when he did not continue to deny that the U-2 was a CIA aircraft. But no matter, said the instructor, the U-2 was in sum an Agency triumph, for the planes had been overflying Soviet territory for at least five years. During this time the Soviet leaders had fumed in frustration, unable to bring down a U-2 on the one hand and reluctant to let the world know of their inability on the other. The photography contained in the film confirmed that the "flying cameras" had accomplished a remarkable job of reconnaissance. When the film ended and the lights came on, the instructor gestured toward the back of the room and announced; "Gentlemen, the hero of our film." There stood Francis Gary Powers. The trainees rose and applauded.

All the CTs receive some light-weapons training, and those destined for paramilitary duties receive a full course which includes instruction in explosives and demolition, parachute jumps, air and sea operations, and artillery training. This paramilitary training is also taken by the contract soldiers (who greatly resent being called "mercenaries") who have been separately recruited for special operations. They join the CTs for some of the other courses, but generally tend to avoid the younger and less experienced recent college graduates who make up the bulk of the CT ranks. Many of these mercenaries and a few of the CTs continue on for an advanced course in ex-plosives and heavy weapons given at a CIA training facility in North Carolina. Postgraduate training in paramilitary operations is conducted at Fort Bragg in North Carolina and at Fort Gulick in the Panama Canal Zone.

* * *


This will do nicely for this chapter for we have other business requiring our attention.

When we return we shall take up with "Fringe Benefits" and believe me, there are a lot of them.

This day you have your own troops being shifted all over the nation and great convoys of military equipment and men are seen in movement in every state. I can only tell you that the boom is ready to fall. Reports are especially focused on the massive movements along your I-15 moving from West into Utah, Idaho and Montana and on I-80 to and through Nevada and on over into Wyoming.

There are equal numbers being shifted around East of the Mississippi River but the reports are, of course in this area, coming in about local movements. It is far beyond serious, chelas--you are IN IT.

I might herein remind you of the "Plan to Surrender America to the New World Order".

Let me just outlay a bit of factual information and see how it fits into your recall mechanism of that given before. It seems you must have reminders or you become swamped in the myriad of attention fragments so that you lose continuity of the "Plan" and the level of development according to the Plan.

Let us begin by giving you some "Public Law":

None of the funds appropriated in this title shall be used to pay the United States contribution to any international organization which engages in the direct or indirect promotion of the principle of one-world government or one-world citizenship. --Public Law 495, Section 112, 82nd Congress.

So, at this point you have clearly defined the terrifying war-making functions of the United Nations Security Council. Now, look at some of the international sleight-of-hand which has transferred your soldiers to the United Nations army.


For this part of your search you must turn again to the military articles of the United Nations Charter. Under Article 43, Chapter 'VII is found the basic "treaty law" for establishing an "Armed United Nations".

All members of the United Nations, states Article 43, in order to contribute to the maintenance of international peace and security, undertake to make available to the Security Council, on its call and in accordance with a special agreement, or agreements, armed forces, assistance, and facilities, including rights of passage, necessary for the propose of maintaining international peace and security.

Now, as we write along here, just pause from time to time and think on the numbers of persons intended for discharge status in your military forces, national guard and reserves. What will they do? Who will hire them when there are already over 12 million Americans out of work? Do you not think those ones will jump wildly at the opportunity to serve in the brave new United Nations Army? So be it.

The most cursory examination of Article 43 permits only one conclusion: It is the intent of this article to provide the United Nations with unlimited war-making powers.

Article 43 will wipe national boundaries off the map. It will create an irresistible international army. And it will chain the people of the world to the wheel of a military juggernaut.

You have now arrived at the concealed objective of the United Nations Charter.

Absolute, monolithic world military power is the concealed objective of the United Nations.

However, this monstrous goal cannot be achieved by raw force alone. Force must be preceded by brainwashing, which will condition the population to accept a world military dictatorship. Therefore the Planners employ Fabian Socialist techniques to accomplish their purpose.

The internationalists, by gradualism and indirection, have made collectivism an acceptable political philosophy. And, through the media of mass propaganda, they have conferred legal status upon illegal acts.

In illustration of this technique, we might recall that on September 1, 1961, the United States Government filed with the U.N. Secretary General a plan for the transfer of our entire military establishment to the United Nations.

Yet--there was no cry of outrage from the American people.

The policy document for surrender is State Department Publication Number 7277, titled "Freedom From War: The United States Program for General and Complete Disarmament in a Peaceful World".

In it, your State Department calls for "...progressive reduction of the war-making capability of the nations and the simultaneous strengthening of international institutions to settle disputes and maintain the peace..." Which means, of course, the disarming of the United States and the establishment of a United Nations Army.


Our government now states that we must pluck the deterrent to Communist aggression from the control of American citizens and place your defense forces in the hands of the Communist-dominated U.N. Security Council.

Allegedly acting in the name of the American people, and for the "nations of the world", the U.S. State Department set forth the objectives of their program of general and complete disarmament in a "Declaration on Disarmament" in a world where adjustment to change "takes place in accordance with the principles of the United Nations".

"The Nations of the world," says your State Department, "declare their goal to be the disbanding of all national armed forces and the prohibition of their reestablishment in any form whatsoever, other than those required to preserve internal order and for contributions to a United Nations Peace Force."

"The Nations of the world," says your State Department, "will establish an effective International Disarmament Organization within the framework of the United Nations, to ensure compliance at all times with all disarmament obligations."

"The Nations of the world," says your State Department, "will institute effective means for the enforcement of international agreements, for the settlement of disputes, and for the maintenance of peace--in accordance with the principles of the United Nations."

Under this plan, the United States will finance and man a totalitarian U.N. military complex. You, of course, will exercise no control over this international army.

The State Department proposes that the disarmament of the United States and the concurrent build-up of the United Nations Army be accomplished in the following three stages:

Stage One: "The States shall develop arrangements in Stage One for the establishment in Stage Two of a U.N. Peace Force."

Stage Two: "During Stage Two, States shall develop further the peace-keeping process of the United Nations to the end that the United Nations can effectively in Stage Three deter or suppress any threat or use of force in violation of the purposes and principles of the United Nations."

Stage Three: "In Stage Three, progressive controlled disarmament and continuously developing principles and procedures of international law would proceed to a point where no state would have the military power to challenge the progressively strengthened U.N. Peace Force."

There you have it--neatly spelled out by your own State Department: a totalitarian, one-world government--its edicts enforced by an international army--already established and in place.

To implement the U.N. take-over, of course, it was and remains to some tiny extent, necessary to go through the motions of translating the policy of State Department Publications 7277 into so-called law and to assure brainwashed Americans that this "law" is in their own best interest. I believe you will note that this has also been accomplished.

I will, however, go over, again, the way it was worked but that will have to hold for another opportunity to write.

Thank you for your attention.

Hatonn to clear.



SUN., APRIL 5, 1992 9:54 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 233



Although agency personnel hold the same ratings and receive the same salaries as other government employees, they do not fall under Civil Service jurisdiction. The Director has the authority to hire or fire an employee without any regard to normal governmental regulations, and there is no legal appeal to his decisions. In general, however, it is the CIA's practice to take extremely good care of the people who remain loyal to the organization. There is a strong feeling among agency management officials that they must concern themselves with the welfare of all personnel and this feeling goes well beyond the normal employer-employee relationship in the government or in private industry. To a certain extent, security considerations dictate this attitude on the part of management, since an unhappy or financially insecure employee can become a potential target for a foreign espionage agent. But there is more to it than that. Nearly everyone seems to believe: We're all in this together and anyone who's on the team should be taken care of decently. The employees probably feel a higher loyalty to the CIA than members of almost any other agency feel for their organization. Again, this is good for security, but that makes the sentiments no less real.

Some of the benefits for agency personnel are unique in the federal bureaucracy. For example, the CIA operates a summer intern program for college students. Unlike other government agencies which have tried to hire disadvantaged and minority youngsters, the CIA's program is only for, the sons and daughters of agency employees. Again the justification is security and the expense of clearing outsiders, but it is a somewhat dubious claim since the State Department manages to clear all its interns for "top secret" without significant expense or danger to security.

If a CIA employee dies, an agency security officer immediately goes to his or her house to see that everything is in order for the survivors (and, not incidentally, to make sure no CIA documents have been taken home from the office). If the individual has been living under a cover identity, the security officer ensures that the cover does not fall apart with the death. Often the security man will even help with the funeral and burial arrangements.

For banking activities, CIA employees are encouraged to use the agency's own credit union, which is located in the headquarters building. The union is expert in giving loans to clandestine operators under cover, whose personal background statements are by definition false. In the rare instance when an employee forfeits on a loan, the credit union seldom prosecutes to get back the money: that could be a breach of security. There is also a special fund, supported by annual contributions from agency officers, to help fellow employees who accidentally get into financial trouble.

The credit union also makes various kinds of insurance available to CIA employees. Since the agency does not wish to give outsiders any biographical information on its personnel, the CIA provides the insurer with none of that data that insurance companies normally demand, except age and size of policy. The agency certifies that all facts are true--even that a particular employee has died--without suffering any proof. Blue Cross, which originally had the agency's health-insurance policy, demanded too much information for the agency's liking and, in the late 1950's, the CIA switched its account to the more tolerant Mutual of Omaha. Agency employees are even instructed not to use the airplane-crash insurance machines available at airports but to purchase such insurance from the credit union.

Attempts are made even to regulate the extracurricular activities of agency employees--to reinforce their attachment to the 169 organization and, of course, for security reasons. An employee-activity association (incorporated for legal purposes) sponsors programs in everything from sports and art to slimnastics and karate. The association also runs a recreational travel service, a sports and theater ticket service, and a discount sales store. The CIA runs its own training programs for reserve military officers, too. And it has arranged with local universities to have its own officers teach college-level and graduate courses for credit to its employees in the security of its headquarters building.

The CIA can be engagingly paternal in other ways, too. On the whole, it is quite tolerant of sexual dalliance among its employees, as long as the relationships are heterosexual and not with enemy spies. In fact, the CIA's medical office in Saigon was known during the late 1960's for its no-questions-asked cures of venereal disease, which State Department officers in that city avoided the embassy clinic for the same malady because they feared the consequences to their careers of having VD listed on their personnel records.


In many other ways the CIA keeps close watch over its employees' health. If a CIA officer gets sick, he can go to an agency doctor or a "cleared" outside physician. If he undergoes surgery, he frequently is accompanied into the operating room by a CIA security man who makes sure that no secrets are revealed under sodium-pentathol anesthesia. If he has a mental breakdown, he is required to be treated by an agency psychiatrist (or a cleared contact on the outside) or, in an extreme case, to be admitted to a CIA-sanctioned sanitarium. Although no statistics are available, mental breakdowns seem more common in the agency's tension-laden atmosphere than in the population as a whole and the CIA tends to have a more tolerant attitude toward mental-health problems and psychiatric therapy than the general public. In the Clandestine Services, breakdowns are considered virtually normal work hazards, [H: Doesn't this make you feel secure to know that the ones supposedly in charge of your most secret information may well be, at present, eligible for the "nut-farm"? I suggest you refer attention to ones such as G. Gordon Liddy, etc. These ones are total disaster waiting to explode on you. I again urge you readers to rent the motion picture EXECUTIVE ACTION with Burt Lancaster, Robert Ryan, etc. It is accurate and that accuracy in portrayal is owed to Mark Lane. It is the best overall portrayal of the Kennedy assassination on film--it surpasses Oliver Stone's version, or at the least, integrates the "facts" with the "JFK" film. You are going to get nothing of value from the CIA disclosures of the files for you have the fox painting the story for the demise of the chickens he just killed. This film shows exactly how the CIA prepares for and executes such operations and pays off the agents while setting up the fall-guys. I recommend that--if you do nothing else this month--go get a copy of that motion picture. If you can't locate one, notify THE WORD through America West and we'll see what we can do about loaning you a copy--I feel it is that important.] and employees are encouraged to return to work after they have completed treatment. Usually no stigma is attached to illness of this type; in fact, a number of senior officers suffered breakdowns while they were in the Clandestine Services and it clearly did not hurt their careers. Ex-Clandestine Services chief Frank Wisner had such an illness, and he later returned to work as the CIA station chief in London.

Many agency officials are known for their heavy drinking-- which also seems to be looked upon as an occupational hazard. Again, the CIA is more sympathetic to drinking problems than outside organizations. Drug use, however, remains absolutely taboo.

While the personnel policies and benefits extended by the CIA to its employees can be justified on the grounds of national security and the need to develop organizational loyalty, these tend to have something of a personal debilitating effect on the career officers. The agency is unconsciously viewed as an omniscient, omnipotent institution--one that can even be considered infallible. Devotion to duty grows to fanaticism; questioning the decisions of the authorities is tantamount to religious blasphemy. Such circumstances encourage bureaucratic insulation and introversion (especially under strong pressures from the outside), and they even promote a perverse, defensive attitude which restricts the individual from keeping pace with significant social events occurring in one's own nation--to say nothing of those evolving abroad. Instead of continuing to develop vision and sensitivity with regard to their professional activities, the career officers become unthinking bureaucrats concerned only with their own comfort and security, which they achieve by catering to the demands of the existing political and institutional leaderships-- those groups which can provide the means for such personal ends.


A number of years ago the CIA established a secret historical library, later a secret internal professional journal, and ultimately began the preparation of the exhaustive secret history of the agency, being written by retired senior officers.

The Historical Intelligence Collection, as the "special" library is officially known in CIA, is a fascinating library of spy literature, containing thousands of volumes, fiction and non-fiction, in many languages. The curator, a senior career officer by trade but by avocation a bibliophile of some note, is annually allocated a handsome budget to travel around the world in search of rare books and documents on espionage. [H: Now you know who writes those biographies which are presented in the form of memoirs and life stories such as Oliver North, Nixon, etc. They are as well planned a part of the program as any of the other deceptive material. Not only do you have clandestine speech writers manipulating the politicians but you have others in conjunction with the close writers writing the story of what happened--in their desired outlay.] Through his efforts, the CIA today possesses probably the most complete compilation of such publications in the world. In recent years the collection has been expanded to include intelligence memorabilia, featuring exhibits of invisible inks, bugs, cameras, and other equipment actually used in certain operations by spies or their handlers.

The CIA's own quarterly trade journal is called Studies of Intelligence. Articles in recent years have dealt with subjects ranging from the practical to the theoretical: there have been articles on how to react when undergoing enemy interrogation; how the National-Estimate process works; how to covertly infiltrate and exfiltrate heavily guarded enemy borders. After the Cuban missile crisis the journal ran a debate on whether the CIA had failed to detect the Soviet missiles early enough or had succeeded in time to allow the government to take remedial action.

Some articles are of pure historical interest. In 1970 there was a fascinating account of the successful efforts at the end of World War II of the couturier Count Emillio Pucci, then in the Italian army, to keep out of German hands the diary of Mussolini's Foreign Minister (and son-in-law) Count Ciano, who had earlier been executed by the Duce. Presumably, stories of this kind would be of interest to ordinary citizens but Studies in Intelligence, while bearing a physical resemblance to many regularly published magazines, is different in one important respect. It is stamped SECRET and is therefore available only to CIA employees and a few selected readers elsewhere in the intelligence community. Even its regular reviews of current spy novels are withheld from the American public.

The most important of the CIA's private literary projects is the massive secret history of the agency that has been in preparation since 1967. Recognizing the irresistible tendency of former intelligence officers to write their memoirs and, thereby, often to embarrass their organizations and their government with their revelations, Director Helms prudently agreed to permit the preparation of an official secret history of the CIA and its clandestine activities. A professor of history from a Midwestern university was hired to act as coordinator and as a literary/research advisor to those officers who would participate in the project. Retired senior officials were hired on contract at their former salaries to spend a couple of additional years with the agency putting their recollections down on paper for eventual incorporation in the encyclopedic summary of the CIA's past.

Helms' decision was a master stroke. The history will never be completed, nor will it ever be published. By definition it is a perpetual project and one that can be read only by those who have a clear "need to know"--and they are few indeed. But the writers, the battle-scarred old hands, have gotten their frustrations out of their systems--with no harm done--and they have been paid, well paid, for their efforts. (Probably better than they could have been had they gone public.) As for the CIA, it, too, is content with the arrangement; for it is its arrangement, a pact made among friends and colleagues, one that conveniently shuts out the primary enemy of those possessed of the clandestine mentality--the public.


Policy must be based on the best estimate of the facts which can be put together. That estimate in turn should be given by some agency which has no axes to grind and which itself is not wedded to any particular policy.

Allen Dulles

[H: As you might guess, a lot of deletions pop up in this section.]

Workmen had already started to put the White House Christmas decoration in place on a December day in 1969 when the President met in the Cabinet room with the National Security Council. The


out to the interested parts of the federal government the previous April, bureaucrats had been writing position papers to prepare their chiefs for this meeting. There was sharp disagreement within the government on how hard a line the United States should take with the


Now the time for decision-making was at hand, and those present included the Vice President, the Secretaries of State and Defense, the Under Secretaries of State and Commerce, the Director of Central Intelligence, a representative of the National Aeronautics and Space Agency (NASA), the Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, and the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Admiral Thomas Moorer, the newly named Chairman of the JCS, was attending his first NSC meeting in this capacity. The President noted the occasion by introducing him to all assembled as "Admiral Mormon".

The President opened the session by stating that the NSC had before it some very complex problems--complex not only in the usual foreign-policy sense but also in a moral context which, the President noted, concerned a large portion of the American population. Nixon then turned to his DCI, Richard Helms, and said, "Go ahead, Dick".

The NSC meeting had officially begun, and as was customary, Helms set the scene by giving a detailed briefing on the political and economic background of the countries under discussion. Using charts and maps carried in by an aide, he described recent developments in southern Africa. (His otherwise flawless performance was marred only by his mispronunciation of "Malagasy" [formerly Madagascar], when referring to the young republic.)

Next, Henry Kissinger talked about the kind of general posture the United States could maintain toward the ( DELETED ) and outlined the specific policy options open to the President. In the case of


the United States to do so. To what extent Helms' arguments played a part in the presidential decision can be answered only by Richard Nixon himself. But, the following year, at the request of the British, the United States did end its


was such an established factor that it was not even under review at the NSC meeting.

Some of the statements were quite revealing. Early in the meeting Secretary of State William Rogers jokingly pointed out, to general-laughter in the room, that it might be inappropriate for the group to discuss the subject at hand, since some of those present had represented southern African clients in earlier law practices. Vice President Spiro Agnew gave an impassioned speech on how the South Africans, now that they had recently declared their independence, were not about to be pushed around, and he went on to compare South Africa to the United States in its infant days. Finally, the President leaned over to Agnew and said gently, "You mean Rhodesia, don't you, Ted?"

It was extraordinary for Helms to speak out to the NSC about the detrimental effect his agency would suffer if the ( ** DELETED ** ) since the DCI's normal role at these sessions is limited to providing the introductory background briefing. As the President's principal intelligence advisor, his function is to supply the facts and the intelligence community's best estimate of future events in order to help the decision-makers in their work. What Helms was saying to the NSC was entirely factual, but it had the effect of injecting intelligence operations into a policy decision. In theory at least, the decision-makers are supposed to be able to choose the most advantageous options with the benefit of intelligence--not for the benefit of intelligence.

* * *


Let us break here, Dharma, for you have other business. Salu.



MON., APRIL 6, 1992 9:43:54 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 234



It is probably time to remind you that the portions of this document which bear "deletions" come directly from a book written by one whom I call "I Am Anonymous" (IMA) for this interim time in focus. The CIA deleted the information where same is indicated. I am asked about this often now, so I recognize that you ones are reading the information out of proper order. I explained all of this in detail at the beginning of writing about the CIA Cult of Intelligence. I give full credit for the work utilized from the author in point and I fully intend to fill in the blanks, with or without his input for he is under court order never to divulge the missing information. You are playing with "rough" individuals and I intend to protect persons who assist in this transition--you who object will simply have to do so with my blessings and compassion for your lack of understanding--your desire to know it all does not surpass the right of individuals who have risked it all, to share with you, the danger of undue exposure. So be it. Please, let us continue so that we can move on to other pressing information discussions. I ask to stay right with this topic until we can conclude it as to the era when first presented. Thank you.


Many, but by no means all, intelligence professionals agree that the primary and, indeed, paramount purpose of the intelligence process is to produce meaningful, timely information on foreign developments after a careful analysis of secret and open sources. The finished product should be balanced in perspective and objective in presentation. Under no circumstances is intelligence supposed to advise a particular course of action. The intelligence function, when properly performed, is strictly an in-formational service.

This is the theory, but in actual practice the U.S. intelligence community has deeply intruded--and continues to--into the policy-making arena. Perhaps it is unrealistic to expect that a $6 billion activity with more than 150,000 employees working in over 100 countries would do otherwise. Nevertheless, it should be understood that when someone like Richard Helms publicly declares, as he did in 1971, "We make no foreign policy," he may be technically correct in the sense that CIA officials must receive approval from the White House for their main programs; but he is absolutely incorrect in leaving the impression that the intelligence community, apart from supplying information, does not have a profound determinative effect on the formulation and carrying out the American foreign policy.

The very existence of the CIA as an instrument for secret intervention in other countries' internal affairs changes the way the nation's highest leaders look at the world. They know that if open political or economic initiatives fail, they can call on the CIA to bail them out. One suspects that the Eisenhower administration might have made more of an effort during its last ten months to prevent relations with Cuba from reaching the breaking point if the President had not already given his approval to the clandestine training of a refugee army to overthrow the Castro regime.


The extreme secrecy in which the CIA works increases the chances that a President will call it into action. He does not have to justify the agency's activities to Congress, the press, or the American people; so, barring premature disclosure, there is no institutional force within the United States to stop him from doing what he wants. Furthermore, the secrecy of CIA operations allows a President to authorize actions in other countries which, if conducted openly, would brand the United States as an outlaw nation. International law and the United Nations charter clearly prohibit one country from interfering in the internal affairs of another, but if the interference is done by a clandestine agency whose operations cannot readily be traced back to the United States, then a President has a much freer hand. He does not even have to worry about adverse public reaction at home or abroad. For example, after Salvador Allende had been elected President of Chile in 1970, President Nixon was asked at a press conference why the United States was willing to intervene militarily in Vietnam to prevent a communist takeover but would not do the same thing in Chile to prevent a Marxist from taking power; he replied that "for the United States to have intervened in a free election and to have turned it around, I think, would have had repercussions all around Latin America that would have been far worse than what happened in Chile."

The President failed to mention that he had approved


but by keeping his action secret, he was able to avoid--at least for the time being--the "adverse political reaction" which he feared. If there had been no CIA to do the job covertly, the U.S. government almost certainly would not have tried to involve itself in the Chilean elections, since it was obviously not willing to own up to its actions.

Clandestine operations can appear to a President as a panacea, as a way of pulling the chestnuts out of the fire without going through all the effort and aggravation of tortuous diplomatic negotiations. And if the CIA is somehow caught in the act, the "deniability" of these operations, in theory, saves a President from taking any responsibility--or blame. Additionally, the CIA is equipped to act quickly in a crisis. [H: Please read this portion again for you have witnessed this "cover" in action in two MAJOR scandals where the President claims no information or involvement.] It is not hindered nearly as much by a cumbersome bureaucracy as is the Pentagon, and it has proved its ability to move with little advance notice, as it did in the Congo during the early 1960's, to put an "instant air force" into action. And the agency's field personnel do not demand the support facilities of their military colleagues. In Laos forty or fifty career CIA officers assisted by several hundred contractees ran an entire "secret war", whereas the Pentagon, given the same mission, probably would have set up a military-assistance command with thousands of personnel (as it did in Vietnam) at a much greater cost to the United States. Also, CIA operators are much less likely than the military to grouse publicly that political restrictions are forcing them to fight "with one arm tied behind our back", and this makes the agency attractive to a President who has no desire to engage in a running battle with his generals over the tactics to be used in a particular situation.

The CIA does not originate an American commitment to a country. The President and the State Department do that. But once CIA operations are started in a foreign land, the U.S. stake in that nation's future increases. Certainly the American interest would be even larger if the President decided to send in combat troops instead of his covert warriors, but such open intervention would have to be justified publicly. In the 1950's and early 1960's neither President Eisenhower nor President Kennedy wanted to make such a commitment in Vietnam or Laos. Yet, by using foreign-aid funds and heavy doses of covert operations, they were able to create and then keep alive anti-communist governments in both countries. When these palliatives proved insufficient later in the 1960's, President Johnson chose to send American ground troops into Vietnam and to begin the systematic bombing of Laos by the U.S. Air Force. It might be argued that the CIA's covert operations put off the day when more massive amounts of American power would be needed, but it also might be said that if the agency had not managed to keep the governments in Saigon and Vientiane functioning for such a long time, the United States would never have intervened openly at all.

In neither Vietnam nor Laos was the CIA acting without the approval of the nation's highest policy-makers. Indeed, all the agency's major covert-action operations are approved by the 40 Committee, and the President himself closely reviews this committee's decisions. But even approved clandestine activities have a way of taking on a life of their own, as field operatives loosely interpret the general guidelines that come down from the White House through Langley. By not closely supervising CIA covert operations, the nation's highest leaders have allowed the agency to affect foreign policy profoundly. For example, during the CIA revolt against the leftist Guatemalan regime in 1954, an agency plane bombed a British freighter which was suspected of carrying arms to the embattled government troops. In fact the ship was loaded with coffee and cotton, and, fortunately, no one was injured when only one of the bombs exploded. Richard Bissell admitted to the New York Times on April 28, 1966, that the attack on the British vessel was a "sub-incident" that "went beyond the established limits of policy". Bissell continued, "you can't take on operations of this scope, draw boundaries of policy around them and be absolutely sure that those boundaries will not be overstepped."


The CIA got involved in another "sub-incident" while it was training Cuban exiles at secret bases in Guatemala for an invasion of their homeland. In November 1960 a rebellion broke out against the Guatemalan government which had been so gracious in allowing the agency to use its territory as the jumping-off point for the Cuban operation. The CIA returned the favor by sending its B-26 bombers to help crush the insurgency. It is not clear whether White House permission was given for these attacks, but there was no question that the CIA had again interfered in Guatemalan internal politics--this time to make sure that no new Guatemalan government would oust it from its secret bases. Once embarked on the attempt to overthrow Castro, the agency had become involved in a chain of events which forced it to intervene militarily in a second country to protect its operation against Cuba. The President may have set the original policy, but there was no way he could have known that simply by approving an attack on Cuba he would set in motion agency paramilitary activities against Guatemala.

CIA operations can have another unforeseen effect on American foreign policy: they can subject the country to blackmail if something goes wrong. For instance, within five days after the CIA pilot was shot down and captured by Indonesia in 1958, the U.S. government approved the sale for local currency of 37,000 tons of American rice and lifted an embargo on $1 million in small arms and other military equipment. Considering that at that moment the CIA was actively backing an armed revolution against the Sukarno regime, these would have been strange actions indeed for the U.S. government to take if it were not extremely concerned about saving the captured pilot.

A somewhat similar incident occurred in Singapore in 1960 after a CIA lie-detector expert was flown into the city to make sure that a locally recruited agent was trustworthy. When the agency technician plugged in his polygraph machine in a hotel room, he blew out all the fuses in the building. [H: AT THIS POINT AN ENTIRE LENGTHY FOOTNOTE (18 LINES) WAS DELETED. The lie-detector man, a CIA case officer, and the local agent were soon under arrest. The Singapore government and the British, who were in the process of granting Singapore its independence, were both disturbed by the incident. Negotiations then ensued to secure the men's release. According to Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, the U.S. government offered $3.3 million to get them out. Lee claimed that he wanted ten times as much and consequently took nothing. In any case, the two CIA officials were subsequently freed, and the newly installed Secretary of State, Dean Rusk, wrote a secret letter of apology to the Singapore leader. In a 1965 speech Lee mentioned the affair as an example of the type of activity engaged in by the CIA. The State Department issued a routine denial furnished by the CIA--State's press office not realizing the truth of Lee's charges. Lee reacted by publicly producing Rusk's letter of apology, and State was forced to retract its original statement, although it still maintained that no ransom had ever been offered. As well as embarrassing the U.S. government and making headlines around the world, the incident caused the State Department to revamp its internal system for making announcements about intelligence matters.


In general the presence of American intelligence facilities in a foreign country can have an important effect on American policy toward that country, especially in the Third World. Closely aligned countries, such as


But to the less developed countries, the presence of an American installation is both a threat and an opportunity. The threat comes form domestic opposition forces who look on the base as an example of "neo-colonialism" and use it as a weapon against those in power. The opportunity arises out of the fact that the United States will pay dearly for the right to install its eavesdropping equipment and keep it in place--as ( DELETED ) discovered.


Both host governments have been severely criticized by internal forces and neighboring countries for giving the United States a foothold in their nations, but both have been handsomely rewarded in American military and economic assistance well into the hundreds of millions of dollars. While comparatively modest amounts of aid would probably have been supplied even if there had been no bases, the large size of the programs represented, in effect, a direct payment for the intelligence facilities.


Similarly, from 1956 until the end of 1969 the U.S. Air Force operated a huge base near Peshawar in Pakistan which was primarily an intelligence facility. For several years before Francis Gary Power's abortive flight over the Soviet Union in 1960, the CIA's U-2 planes used Peshawar as a principal takeoff point for reconnaissance flights over and along the edges of the Soviet Union. In addition,


From the early days of the Eisenhower administration, the United States had allied itself more closely with Pakistan than with India in those two countries' continuing struggle. Yet at least some experts on the region believe that an important factor in the American "tilt" toward Pakistan, at least until the late 1960's, was the desire to hold on to the base at Peshawar.

Another site of large American technical espionage installations is the island of Taiwan. In this instance the United States did not have to provide the Nationalist Chinese government with much inducement to allow the construction of the facilities, since they were aimed against the Nationalists' archenemy on the mainland and some of the information gathered was shared with the Chiang Kai-shek government. Furthermore, in the fifteen or so years after the Nationalists' expulsion from China, the CIA closely cooperated with Chiang's intelligence service to run covert missions against the mainland, and the Nationalists were so dependent on the United States for their very existence that they were in no position to extract a large payment from the United States for the intelligence bases. Yet, by giving the CIA and the other agencies a free hand to build virtually any kind of facility they chose, the Chiang government made it much more difficult for the United States to disengage from Taiwan and build better relations with China. Many of the most important installations for the surveillance of the mainland are located on the island, and they represent an investment valued in the hundreds of millions of dollars. All American military forces, including those engaged in intelligence work, will have to be removed from Taiwan before the United States meets the Chinese conditions for complete normalization of relations between the two countries.


Recent history is full of other examples of technical espionage programs having a profound effect on U.S. foreign policy. The shoot-down of the U-2 over the Soviet Union in 1960 caused the cancellation of the Eisenhower-Khruschev summit meeting. The spy ship Liberty, while trying to monitor the action during the 1967 Six Day War, moved in too close (because a "warning" message from Washington was misrouted) and was intentionally shot up by Israeli planes and boats. Thirty-four Americans were killed. As a result, according to former DIA and CIA staffer Patrick McGarvey in his book CIA: THE MYTH AND THE MADNESS, the Joint Chiefs of Staff "proposed a quick, retaliatory air strike on the Israeli naval base which launched the attack." The Chiefs' recommendations was turned down. Mc-Garvey continues:

The next year the North Koreans seized a similar ship, the Pueblo, and interned its crew. Again we were on the brink of war because of intelligence, the supposed secret arm of government. The JCS again recommended an air strike. The Pueblo incident was followed by the shoot-down of a United States reconnaissance plane (A Navy EC-121) off the coast of North Korea a little over a year later. And again JCS wanted to mount an air strike.

There have been other disastrous reconnaissance flights-- these over China--that have gone virtually unreported in the American press. Some of these have been mentioned by the New China News Agency, but have apparently been dismissed in the West as communist propaganda. [H: What about the U-2 which was just brought down off South Korea within the past three or four months? It was brought down, crew killed and yet, after two days--nothing!] They include the shooting down of several CIA U-2 planes flown by Nationalist pilots and even more U.S. Air Force pilotless "drone" aircraft (The Chinese claim nineteen downed between 1964 and 1969) over the Chinese mainland. American SR-71s also flew regularly over China (and continue to do so over North Korea) until all reconnaissance flights were stopped as a result of Henry Kissinger's first trip to Peking in 1971 [that you knew about].

At the very time in October 1969 when the United States was trying to resume diplomatic contact with the Chinese, Air Force Intelligence, with the approval of the 40 Committee, sent a drone over southern China. On October 28 the New China News Agency reported the downing of "a U.S. imperialist, pilotless, high altitude plane", but


Another extremely provocative drone flight was proposed by the Pentagon in the period after the American invasion of Cambodia in 1970. The mission was approved by the 40 Committee over the strong objections of the State Department which estimated that roughly one in three of these aircraft would be shot down.


The official justification for all the espionage missions carried out by intelligence planes and ships is to gather intelligence which helps to protect the national security of the United States. But with literally hundreds of flights and cruises scheduled each month along the borders of and over unfriendly countries, inevitably there are embarrassing failures. That these abortive missions on occasion cause international crises is understood by the policy-makers who rather routinely give their approval, and is presumably figured in as one of the costs of acquiring the intelligence. Yet it is frightening to realize that some of these spying forays could have led--and could in the future lead--to armed conflict. Missions that violate the territorial integrity of foreign countries are clear violations of sovereignty and any country that shoots at an intruder inside its borders is completely within its legal rights.


* * *

In your Constitution there is no mention of intelligence, or spies, or intelligence agencies, or internal security--nothing of what is called the "American national security state" and certainly nothing about wars being staged by Clandestine Forces or internal security apparatus that form the most intriguing aspect of the greatest military and economic power the world has ever seen.


A curious paradox, and it is one created by that very document. The Constitution guarantees individual liberties, the right of the minority to dissent, and privacy. But it also gives the President of the United States broad powers in the conduct of foreign policy--and, implicitly, intelligence operations--thus creating a dilemma for American democracy. The problem centers on the questions of secrecy: the conduct of foreign policy and intelligence operations is largely secret, and secrecy is anathema to democracy. The Constitution specifically states that ALL will be done publicly and openly. The evil intent speaks for itself for God is totally OPEN and evil always hides behind secret intent and ritual. You be the "judge".

What you Americans have allowed is the moving of your enemy against the Constitution, within your very being, nurtured it and in every way demanded and now the "Piper" must be paid for he will not simply go away nor will he give up his toys.

You are going to have to make your choices of direction and get up and DO SOMETHING. I do not, for instance, accept "I can't" for never will God give you that which "CAN'T BE DONE." So, DO IT--get off your "buts"; you know, those "but if I do, what might - -" and "but they might do - - -" and "but if - - -". It rests with YOU--not your neighbor or your buddy or your government--YOU!



TUE., APRIL 7, 1992 1:47 P.M. YEAR 5, DAY 235



While Allen Dulles professed to believe that U.S. foreign policy should be based on intelligence estimates developed by an agency with "no axes to grind and....itself...not wedded to any particular policy," his actions were not always true to these words. Consequently, he made possible the Bay of Pigs--the classic case of what can happen when intelligence is misused in the carrying out of a clandestine operation.

The problem started on the eve of Fidel Castro's triumphant march into Havana in January 1959 while CIA analysts were preparing a report for the White House stating that the rebels' success was due largely to the corruption of the Batista regime and the resulting popular disgust among the Cuban people. Allen Dulles personally intervened in the intelligence process and rewrote this report to suit his own political biases. In Dulles' view, Castro's victory was not a natural development that could have been expected in light of the faults of Batista. Dulles' Calvinistic mind may well have seen the hand of the Devil at work, and he predicted that there would be a slaughter in Havana which would put the French Revolution to shame. "Blood will flow in the streets," he wrote passionately in the CIA report to the White House.

For the most part, however, the agency's analysts took a more moderate tone in the months that followed. They stressed that Castro's Cuba, while something of an annoyance, was in no way a direct threat to the security of the United States. The Intelligence Directorate also tried to explain that Castro, despite his socialistic leanings, was fiercely independent and a devout nationalist, much like Indonesia's Sukarno, Egypt's Nasser, and Ghana's Nkrumah--all opponents of Western domination of the Third World but certainly not agents of any international communist conspiracy. Most important for future events, the analysts wrote that, regardless of the emotional reports flowing from Cuban refugees concerning political unrest on the island, Castro appeared to have general support of the populace.

Dulles did not accept this finding of his intelligence analysts, nor did he promote their point of view at the White House. Instead, he seized upon the reporting of the Clandestine Services as more truly reflective of events in Cuba. Dulles had always believed that the field operator was a more reliable judge of events than the intelligence analyst back at headquarters. Prior to Castro's takeover, there had not even been a full-time CIA analyst of Cuban problems in the Intelligence Directorate, and the two that were added after January 1959 never really won Dulles' trust. He preferred to read the assessments of the Clandestine Services' officers, who did their own evaluation of the clandestine reports received from secret agents.


Sometime during late 1959 Dulles decided that the best solution for the Cuban problem would be to invade Cuba with an army of Cuban refugees and to overthrow Castro. He was unquestionably influenced by the reports of the Clandestine Services, which, unlike those of the Intelligence Directorate, stressed the unpopularity of the Castro regime, its internal frictions, and its economic troubles. In March 1960, President Eisenhower, at Dulles' urging and with Dulles' facts at hand, gave his approval for the CIA to start recruiting and training the ill-fated invasion force. Robert Amory, the Deputy Director of Intelligence, was never officially told the invasion was in the works so that his experts could analyze the chances of success. Dulles was convinced that Cuba was ripe for an invasion, and as he was the President's chief intelligence advisor, that was that.

When the CIA's military force failed to topple Castro in the spring of 1961, the agency's Intelligence Directorate temporarily gained equal footing with the Clandestine Services. This did not occur because there was any new found appreciation of the analysts' work but rather because the operators were in a general state of disgrace after the Bay of Pigs. John McCone took over as Director in November 1961, and after rising above his initial distrust of the entire organization, he ultimately saw the need for and the value of high-quality national intelligence.


... Castro, whose secret agents had penetrated the CIA's operations long before the Bay of Pigs, knew perfectly well what the CIA was doing, and the ongoing American attacks against his rule may well have been an important factor in his decision in the spring of 1962 to allow the Soviet Union to install offensive nuclear weapons in his country. Assassination of Castro seemed to have been a recurrent idea in the CIA during these years. E. Howard Hunt claims to have recommended it before the Bay of Pigs, only to be turned down. In November of 1961, President Kennedy mentioned the idea in a private chat with Tad Szule, then of the New York Times. Kennedy asked the newsman, "How would you feel if the United States assassinated Castro?" When Szule said he thought it was a very poor idea, Kennedy said, "I'm glad you feel that way because suggestions to that effect keep coming to me and I believe very strongly the United States should not be a party to political assassination." Lyndon Johnson told his former aide, Leo Janos, as recounted in a July 1973 Atlantic article, "We had been operating a damned Murder, Inc. in the Caribbean." Janos elaborated, "A year or so before Kennedy's death a CIA-backed assassination team had been picked up in Havana. Johnson speculated that Dallas had been a retaliation for this thwarted attempt, although he couldn't prove it."


The Cuban missile crisis that developed as a result produced one of the finest hours for the CIA and the intelligence community, although the last National Intelligence Estimate, prepared by the CIA a little over a month before President Kennedy went on nationwide television to announce the Cuban "quarantine", declared that it was unlikely that the Soviets would install nuclear-tipped missiles on the island. The fact remains, however, that the CIA and the other intelligence agencies did discover the Soviet missiles in time for the President to take action, and they presented the facts to Kennedy with no policy recommendations or slanting which could have limited his options. This was how the intelligence process was supposed to work.

The affair started in the late spring of 1962 when CIA analysts noted that the Soviets were sending an increased amount of military assistance to Cuba. These shipments were not viewed with particular alarm in the agency, since there was still much to be done in the Soviet re-equipping of the Cuban army forces, which was then under way. Furthermore, the CIA had ways of keeping track of what arms flowed into Cuba.

Since January 1961, when the Eisenhower Administration had broken diplomatic relations with the Castro regime, there had been no agency operators working out of an American Embassy in Havana, but the


Additionally, a steady flow of refugees was arriving in Miami and being debriefed by agency officers permanently assigned there. As was true before the Bay of Pigs, the stories told by many of these refugees were hysterical but occasionally some valuable nugget of information would be gleaned from their tales.

Based on President Kennedy's request, the USIB had set Cuba as a Priority National Intelligence Objective (PNIO), and the various military intelligence agencies had been assigned extensive collection requirements by the USIB. New requirements were almost continually levied in response to the specific needs of the analysts. The Air Force and the Navy carefully watched the shipping lanes and photographed Soviet ships destined for Cuba. Surveillance was provided by the Sixth Fleet in the Mediterranean, by the Atlantic fleet (which even had a listening post at Guantanamo Bay inside Cuba), and by the Air Force. U.S. intelligence photographed ship movements and listened in electronically on Cuban communications. The National Security Agency tuned its huge antennae in on Soviet shipping and Cuban communications. ITT had operated much of the Cuban communications system before Castro's nationalizations, and the company worked closely with the CIA and NSA to intercept messages. Much of the old equipment was still in use, and the NSA was collecting large amounts of information. Finally, the CIA was flying two U-2 missions each month over Cuba, and the photographs taken by these spy planes were quickly turned over to the analysts.


So while Soviet military (and economic) assistance to Castro was on the upswing in the late spring of 1962, there seemed little cause for alarm in the CIA or elsewhere in the U.S. government. Moscow had recently eased tensions in Berlin, much to the relief of Washington policy-makers whose strong stand in that divided city appeared to have paid off. But still there were a few ominous signs. The CIA learned that Soviet military personnel were being secretly used in combat roles as submarine crews in Indonesia and as bomber crews in Yemen, a drastic departure from previous Soviet practice. Then, by July the analysts noted further increases in the arms being shipped to Cuba, along with the arrival of a large number of young men from the Soviet Union--who Moscow claimed were technical advisors to assist in economic development programs. The CIA doubted this, for, among other reasons, all the "civilians" were young, seemed to have a military bearing, and wore only two kinds of sport shirt. It was becoming clear that the Soviets were supplying too much military equipment for the Cuban armed forces to absorb. A small group of CIA analysts, expert in deciphering the ways Moscow and its allies conducted their foreign aid programs, became convinced that an unprecedented military build-up was occurring in Cuba. Their efforts during August to alert top U.S. officials to this threat were hampered, surprisingly, by military intelligence agencies, namely the DIA and the NSA, which viewed the intensified Soviet activity on the island as mostly economic assistance. Perhaps it was because the CIA had performed so poorly with its inaccurate reporting on Cuba as a prelude to the Bay of Pigs that even the hawkish U.S. military establishment was now leery of the agency's ability to assess the Cuban situation. In any event, both the DIA and the NSA saw fit to counter the CIA intelligence reports with rebuttals in late August 1962.

The basic reason that the CIA analysts were able to monitor the Soviet arms build-up more closely than the other intelligence agencies, which had essentially the same information available, was the more refined technique that the CIA had developed, including a special analytical tool known as "crate-ology"--a unique method of determining the contents of the large crates carried on the decks of the Soviet ships delivering arms. With a high degree of accuracy, the specialists could look at photographs of these boxes, factor in information about the ship's embarkation point and Soviet military production schedules, and deduce whether the crates contained transport aircraft or jet fighters. While the system was viewed with caution by many in the intelligence community, CIA Director John McCone accepted its findings, and his confidence in the technique proved to be justified.


Nevertheless, the CIA's analysts did not spot the first shipments of Soviet offensive missiles, which arrived in Cuba during the early part of September. The Soviets escaped the scrutiny of the "crate-ologists" by sending the weapons in the holds of huge freighters, not in crates carried on deck as had been their usual practice when delivering bulky military equipment. On September 19, the USIB approved the National Intelligence Estimates which, while noting the disturbing Soviet arms buildup, declared it unlikely that the Russians would bring in nuclear-tipped missiles. During this period McCone personally suspected the worst of the Soviets, but, to his credit, he did not put his private views forward as the CIA position since, as he would later say, it was based on "intuition", not "hard intelligence". Nevertheless, he did urge the White House to approve an increased schedule of U-2 flights. The President agreed in early October, but, at Defense Secretary McNamara's urging, responsibility for the reconnaissance missions was turned over from the CIA to the Air Force because of the danger that Soviet SAMs (surface-to-air missiles) posed to more frequent flights.

Just as the new wave of U-2's was starting surveillance of Cuba, on October 9, 1962, the mainland Chinese used a SAM to bring down a CIA U-2 flown by a Nationalist Chinese pilot. A SAM of the same model had knocked Francis Gary Powers out of the air over the Soviet Union two years earlier and would down an Air Force plane over Cuba late in October at the height of the missile crisis.

On October 14 an Air Force U-2 brought back photographs of six medium-range ballistic-missile sites which were nearing operational readiness and four intermediate range sites in the early stage of construction. CIA analysts were able to verify these pictures indisputably with the help of information previously provided by satellite surveillance of similar installations in the U.S.S.R. and from documents supplied by Penkovsky, and also by comparing the


And thus the Cuban missile crisis began.


By the end of October, Nikita Khrushchev had been outmaneuvered 'by Kennedy and he promised to withdraw his country's offensive weapons from Cuba, in return for an American pledge not to invade the island. (This was a pledge that the CIA, with White House approval, seems to have violated systematically by continuing its guerrilla raids on Cuba until the late 1960's.) The CIA and several military intelligence agencies maintained their surveillance despite persistent rumors in the press that the Soviets had hidden some of the missiles in caves. The CIA even noted that a group of IL-28 jet bombers had been removed from a hiding place which the agency had (unknown to the Soviets) previously discovered.

President Kennedy chose later to view the missile crisis as a nearly disastrous intelligence failure, since the CIA had been unable to give early warning of the Soviet offensive build-up and had predicted in its last estimate the unlikelihood of Soviet missiles being placed on the island. He was not willing to concede that the agency's warning of heavily increased Soviet military activity on the island during the summer months (when military intelligence was claiming otherwise) compensated for the CIA's inability to predict that nuclear-missile sites would be constructed--even though it was as a direct result of the agency's warning that surveillance of the island was intensified and ultimately led to the discovery of the missiles. To what extent the President still mistrusted the CIA for its Bay of Pigs blunder is unclear, but Kennedy obviously expected better information.

The Cuban missile crisis illustrated the inherent limitations of intelligence, among the most important of which is that certain events simply cannot be predicted with accuracy or confidence. Khrushchev's decision to install nuclear missiles in Cuba was not knowable until the Soviets had actually embarked on that course of action. Careful psychological studies of Khrushchev's character could provide suppositions that he might act in an unpredictable way, but to have known exactly what he would do would have required divine analytical wisdom or spies in the inner reaches of the Kremlin--neither of which the CIA possessed. As for those people in the intelligence community whose visceral feelings led them to expect the worst of Khrushchev and Castro before either had contemplated the missile gamble--to have accepted their speculations as intelligence would have been the height of irresponsibility. Allen Dulles and his Clandestine Services lieutenants had had their own gut reactions to events in Cuba nearly two years earlier, and when their "feelings" were presented to the nation's leaders as intelligence, the outcome was the Bay of Pigs. John McCone proved himself a much more responsible intelligence officer than his predecessor when, unlike Dulles, he refused to impose his own suspicions upon the President. Hindsight may indicate that the Dulles technique, employed by McCone, would have had more favorable results--but hindsight is too easy.

The CIA and the rest of the intelligence community conducted extensive post-mortems of the missile crisis. They found that enough bits and pieces of information and other tenuous evidence had been available to have warranted an earlier judgment that the Soviets were installing their missiles. Bureaucratic entanglements and frictions, coupled with some degree of human imperfection, however, prevented even the most astute intelligence officers from determining the true purpose of Khrushchev's actions. Yet intelligence seems to have done the best it could in the existing circumstances; the one or two accurate agent reports picked up during September were buried among thousands of useless, inaccurate, or misleading ones. The collection of huge amounts of secret information from a multitude of sources and the availability of analytical staffs even larger than those available at the time are by themselves no guarantee that the CIA and the intelligence community will produce correct predictions. Intelligence is in essence a guessing game, albeit one that is grounded in fact, logic, and experience. It can be a useful tool to the policy-makers, but it is not, even in its purest form, a magic art.

* * *


As I speak on the various encounters and major actions set forth through the CIA I am continually amazed that even with our in-depth writing about the various situations, you are not informed as a citizenry. Things are staged so as to distract you from every important circumstance. As massive changes come upon you so, then, do the distractions increase until, as today, you have turmoil and uprising, chaos and terrorism in every part of the globe. Since these Clandestine Operations are kept secret, you don't know about them until after the fact and by then the trail is hidden in confusion and wonderment as to what happened, why (even to the lies they tell you) and certainly no one can figure out just what resulted. This is most especially true with a neighbor less than ninety miles from Florida.

I have told you exactly what happened and how your politicians were totally involved and still are, in an attempt to gain control and business interests in Cuba. The Bush family interests were uppermost at the time of the Cuban Bay of Pigs and still are. I do, however, realize as we write that most of you still don't know what the whole thing was about even as the government presented it to you. Therefore, Dharma, I see no alternative than to speak a bit about the subject.

The CLAIM was that Cuba was "going communist" and you couldn't have Commies on an island so close to you. The facts were that business interests were being taken back for Cuba by Fidel Castro's government. There was a great "civil" war going on and passions ran very deep in that Cuban civil war, and the American intelligence community was perplexed by events on the island overflowing with turbulence. This, of course, goes back to the 1950's when Fidel Castro was in his very early thirties. He wanted great things for Cuba and was optimistic that he would have his way.

The war went on for some time and Castro and his rebels quieted which gave cause for Batista to believe the confrontation was over. Government troops eventually even gave up hunting for the rebels, and announced, in a time of wishful thinking, that Castro and over half of his landing party had been slain. Far from dead, Castro, with his two companions, crawled out of the sugarcane field one day and fled into the Sierra Maestra to form a new guerrilla army. Just over two years later, on New Year's Day 1959, Castro led a triumphant procession of that army into Havana. A few hours before, dictator Fulgencio Batista had fled into exile, carrying nearly $300 million in cash with him, the proceeds of bribes paid by the owners of Havana's Mafia-run gambling casinos.

Fidel Castro was a charismatic, engaging, intelligent and voluble man whose political outlook seemed rather vague. Throughout his years in the mountains, when he was often portrayed in the American media as a dashing guerrilla leader, Castro had been careful to fudge his political agenda. He even drew flamboyant movie idols into his cause--such as the young Errol Flynn who enjoyed the exciting escapades of such daring adventure.

Sensitive to the political persuasions of Latin American revolutionaries--especially those operating in the country only ninety miles from the American mainland--the CIA made several assessments of this curious figure, which generally concluded he was not a Communist (even then there was no overabundance of true "brains" in the operation). Overlooked continually, somehow, was Castro's extensive involvement with Communist revolutionary organizations in Venezuela and Mexico during his two decades of political exile from Cuba. Also missed were Castro's own avowals to friends during that period proclaiming himself a Communist.


During an executive session only a few days after Castro took power, Allen Dulles informed the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the new leader of Cuba did not have "Communist leanings". Yet only weeks earlier, the CIA Director had dropped off at the White House an intelligence report that greatly upset Eisenhower. "Communist and other extreme radicals appear to have penetrated the Castro movement," the report warned. "If Castro takes power, they will probably participate in the government." The CIA, unsure as to Castro's bona fides, was emitting mixed signals. But events in Cuba in the months following Castro's victory confirmed the worst fears.

The next that I am going to give you must draw your attention for this is what can happen when governments become subject to the rule of the man in authority--exactly where the United States is headed NOW. Note that in the confusion and upset in Peru this very 48 hours in living--the one taking charge Cancelled the Constitution of Peru.

So, first, Castro told the moderates in the July 26th Movement coalition that he would NOT RESTORE THE CUBAN CONSTITUTION AND CIVIL LIBERTIES--AS HE HAD PROMISED IN ORDER TO WIN THEIR SUPPORT DURING THE WAR AGAINST BATISTA. SOUND FAMILIAR?? "Read my Lips!!" Less than two weeks after taking power, Castro re-legalized the Cuban Communist Party; in March, promised national elections were postponed. Amid arrests and executions, upper- and middle-class Cubans began fleeing the island to Miami; by 1960, over one hundred thousand Cubans had left. Finally, the nationalization of American businesses on the island, worth millions of dollars, caused a distinct frost on already chilly U.S.-Cuban relations.

We shall continue this at the next writing so that you can begin to look at segments as a part integrated into the whole. You, as a remnant, be it possible--must see the whole and relate to the timing of sequences which have brought you to this day in your counting.

It is hard to associate things which are only vaguely dim memories in your minds or are absent altogether and if present, are related only as lies instead of truthful facts.


It is, however, ALL a part of the bits and pieces being played out by the Adversary to have control of ALL by year 2000. It is aptly called the Plan 2000. I have given you the following writing prior to this and I honor the writer who put it first to print, David Lewis:

In the grim years ahead, the time is 2000. The place: Earth,---now a desolate planet slowly dying by its own accumulated errors and follies. Its dying is the end result of man's wasteful years, his growth of technologies in the wrong direction, his fear of being conquered and his inability to cope with the reality that people are a human entity of God and not to be used or misused as a tool of whimsical temperament to deprive, starve or destroy at will.

By man's own choice, the earth in Global 2000 lies barren of its forests while sand dunes rapidly spread over the fertile farm lands that once served so well. Nearly two million species of plant life has withered on the burned stalks; birds, insects and animals have vanished from sight; the once sparkling rivers that gave life to the world are now dried and the river bottoms are likened to the skin of the crocodile. The fertile valleys, the golden wheat fields, citrus groves and millions of acres of vegetables are now only a faint recollection of the past. Aircraft no longer fly over your cities and the traffic congested streets are the silent ghosts of an era past. Sidewalks are no longer the foot paths for hurried feet for, although they barely remain, the memory is now lurking in the shadows of the blackened fog of radioactivity that shrouds the atmosphere.

Nearby and far off structures that once housed a metropolis of activity has changed from the architectural splendor into a dreaded nightmare of man's stubborn attempts to defy God and nature as he changes the atom into weapons of destruction. Yet with this aforehead knowledge firmly planted in the minds of most intelligent men, knowing that this era will come to a close, he is still propagating so rapidly that his momentum is carrying him even faster to a civilization demise.

This bleak and solemn scenario is not science fiction to any degree but a detailed study of the real world's future in Global 2000, which is a prophecy that is merely waiting to be played out. Global 2000 could grow into an even darker picture prior to this great historical event if you continue to speed up the intricate acts and threats of wars, thus painting an absolute shocking picture of the world fifteen years from now. END QUOTE

God did not plan our future but, knowing man as He does, His prophecies will ring true on that day of Global 2000 and 2001. Man has insisted on his own follies and has learned little by his mistakes, thus he has paved his own road to the abyss of hell-- taking with him--all of mankind.

Today you live in an era where nearly everything is geared toward armament and destruction. Your guns are in readiness, your attitudes are tense, faces grim with the progressing news of world events. Frustration mounting and nerves frayed to near short circuits. You have approached that time in your society where it is now fashionable to burn all candles at both ends, outwardly demonstrate your greed and selfishness, stimulate riots and discontent and scoff at those who still show some Christ-oriented type of "goodness" background.

To unmeasurable regret, government officials throughout the world have planted the seeds of deceit, spoken unforgivable words in their constant wrangling and planning, intrigues and conspiracies, prepared many guises in order to cover the actual intentions, led the masses to complete ignorance and have aided the communistic parties where they in turn can begin to take over your freedoms within your great nation once founded "under God" and now devoid of all allowance of God--now run, rather, by totally Godless men. Yet, in a war of nerves to the Americans and people of the world, they lead you to believe there will be no impending dangers--while they silently proceed with their plans toward a One World Government, a One World Order, A One World Religion, and for a money control--A One World Bank. Is this the freedom promised you under your Constitution?

You are now dealing with that actual "tomorrow" now arrived. It is based solely on the truth of man's great follies and how you might survive those later days. What you can no longer do is back away from the conclusions of this fact anymore than you can sidestep the conclusions of Global 2000 now upon you--the stakes are far too high for the United States and for all mankind! Salu.



WED., APRIL 8, 1992 9:37 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 236



Yesterday the colors flew in the Bush campaign. Quayle addressed a group of pro-Israel potential voters and began his speech: "FELLOW ZIONISTS". He further stated that never had relations with Israel actually been better and that the disagreements over the "Patriots" was no longer causing dissension between the nations' leaders. Oh barf!

Next, I hope all of you have watched the hearings on the efficacy of the Patriot systems. It is as good as any Mel Brooks production--slap-stick lies and distortions and total fabrications. For instance, the Chairman asked the officer (military) in charge of the Patriot systems AND an assistant to the Joint Chiefs of Staff about many things but one fun thing was the interrogation regarding stories to the public. One incident quoted Schwarzkopf as stating that out of 32 missiles, 31 had been intercepted. The officers seemed to know nothing about the statement so could not verify the statement one way or another. They next dealt with Bush telling the Americans that "...out of 42 missiles, 41 had intercepts, although not all incidents resulted in total kills." Here is the response: "Well, but you don't realize, Mr. Chairman, that 'intercept' does not mean 'strike', it only means that the missiles were noted and fired at." The Chairman responded by stating: "Oh, then you are telling us that 'intercept' doesn't mean 'to intercept'?" Response, "Yes sir, it only means that, in some instances, they pass close to each other." Chairman: "So, you are now telling us and all the American public that 'intercept' simply means the passing of a missile and an anti-missile missile going in different directions? And that the Patriots served their purpose?" Officer: "Yes sir, they kept Israel from entering the war which would have resulted in a lot of bloodshed." Then, somehow in the incident wherein all of your men were killed in the barracks--"Well, neither battery worked because one was 'down' and the other had 'software failure' from overuse!"

I warn you ones again--I told you the wool was tightly bound over your receptors and that the Patriots were worthless junk AT THE TIME--what kind of confirmation do you need before you will give God a chance to be heard???? So be it for these are only little tidbits of entertaining productions with the lies totally visible and little attention even given to them.

The Japanese economy cannot sustain in this immediate plunge--the banks must fail. I remind you--if you are in one of those "other banks"--get out. Get your T-Bills and everything you have in them--out. If you must continue banking then get into Bank of America for it is one of the ones intended to sustain a bit longer. How long is a bit longer? Not very!

You still have a bit of time, but very little, to make some shifts with your funds, the price of gold is down also but has to rise according to the Elite themselves in prediction. And you still have some time to "incorporate in Nevada" if you work fast to "begin" coverage of self and assets and still come under protection of some kind of a "Grandfather" clause for these immediate and prior corporations. I ask that contact information be made available herein for ones to get information--it is all I can do for you--we do not do it FOR you. THERE IS NOTHING TO BACK THE ECONOMY IN JAPAN WHICH WAS, AS YOURS, BASED ON INSIDER RIP-OFF IN REAL ESTATE--GO BACK AND READ ABOUT IT A MONTH OR SO AGO IN THE LIBERATOR FOR I HAVE NO TIME TO ATTEND IT FURTHER. IT IS WAKE-UP CALL, AMERICA, FOR YOU HAVE SLEPT PAST THE ALARM CLOCK.

Back to the CIA, Dharma, for we need to rip right through this information so we can move on in updating and other urgent topical subjects. I will postpone the "Cuba" outlay until after I finish this topic of Intelligence and Policy so that the outlay makes more sense to you so let us just move right along, please.


Unfortunately, intelligence reports are often sent to the nation's leaders in a far from pure form, especially when the subject is Soviet military capabilities. Yet, estimating the quantity and quality of Soviet weapons is probably the intelligence community's most important task, since the Soviet Union, on a strategic basis, is the only country in the world that offers a real threat to the security of the United States. [H: That is, other than the United States herself!] (The Chinese strategic threat is more potential than real.) [REMEMBER: This was written and published in 1974! The danger is now immediate and very real indeed.] Every President since World War II has wanted to know about any dangerous imbalances between American and Soviet forces, and presidential decisions on whether or not to go ahead with the development of new and expensive weapons systems have been based, to a great extent, on intelligence estimates of how strong the Russians are (although domestic political considerations and the views of America's allies also play a large role).

The Pentagon knows all too well that to justify its constant demands for new weapons and larger forces, intelligence must show that the Soviets are moving into a position of strength. Senator Stuart Symington has pointed out that scare stories about Soviet military strength appear at congressional budget time in springtime Washington as regularly as the cherry blossoms. To support a request for additional ships, the Navy will often magnify an increased threat from the Soviet fleet. The Air Force can much more easily obtain funds for a new bomber if it can show that the Soviets are developing one. Similar justifications can be--and have been--made for missiles, tanks, and even the continuance of American programs for chemical and biological warfare. Military analysts have tended to take a "worst case" view of the Soviets, from which they predict the most dire possible consequences from Soviet action. Major General Daniel Graham, formerly chief of estimates at the DIA, described the process in an April 1973 article in Army Magazine: "To put it bluntly, there is a considerable body of opinion among decision-makers, in and out of DOD (Department of Defense), which regards threat estimates prepared by the military as being self-serving, budget-oriented, and generally inflated." While Graham conceded that the lack of confidence in military estimates is "fully understandable", stemming "from a series of bad overestimates, later dubbed 'bomber gap', 'missile gap', and 'megaton gap", he asserted that military intelligence has now vastly improved and is capable of making objective estimates. While most observers of the intelligence community would agree with his assessment of the military's bad record in estimates, few outside the Pentagon would accept his assertion that objectivity has returned to the Pentagon's appraisals of the Soviets, although these appraisals are unquestionably closer to reality than they were ten years ago.

Graham illustrated another basic point that "is beginning to be understood in military planner circles". He stated:

Estimates of future enemy forces and hardware are by nature of intent--not just capability. The old arguments about "capability versus intent" are heard less now in DOD. It remains true that intelligence should emphasize capability in descriptions of current and near-future enemy forces. But the minute you tackle the usual problem of estimating enemy forces (or hardware) a year or so into the future, you have entered the realm of intent. For example, since World War II the Soviets have never to our knowledge deployed forces of fielded hardware as fast as their total capability permitted. To estimate that they would do so with regard to some weapon system or type of force in the future would make little sense.... It is remarkable how long it has taken some of our military users to wise up to it.

[H: It appears to me they have wised up very well. Perhaps you-the-people just didn't understand that the capability and the "intent" of the Patriot system were different than your expectations. The intent couldn't be known for that would be top secret under "national security" regulations. The fact is, America and World, you HAVE BEEN "HAD"!]


As a result of the military's propensity to overestimate, the CIA (usually supported by the State Department) is almost always suspicious of Pentagon positions. Thus, the agency tends to resist and counter military judgments, which in turn has led to CIA underestimation. In the national-security bureaucracy, the agency's tendency to be wrong on the low side, while occurring far less frequently than the Pentagon's errors, is considered more serious, since if estimates of Soviet capabilities run too high, that provides a margin for safety to the military planners, who may well spend billions of dollars reacting to a non-existent threat but who at least do not endanger the country by developing too few weapons.

This continuing conflict between the military agencies and the civilians in the intelligence community was most evident in the preparation of the National Intelligence Estimates (NIE's) which, until 1973, were considered the highest form of national intelligence.

In the internal CIA reshuffling begun by James Schlesinger during his short stay at the agency and continued by Director Colby, the twelve-to-fourteen-man Board of National Estimates and its staff of forty to fifty specialists have been largely phased out--along with the production of thoroughly researched and well-thought-out community-wide NIEs. These documents, long the epitome of finished intelligence production, were found to be inadequate for the more immediate foreign-policy purposes of Henry Kissinger and the Nixon Administration. Thus, the BNE has been replaced by a group of eight senior officers known as National Intelligence Officers who on short notice produce brief (no more than ten- or twelve-page) assessments of whatever international situation is of immediate concern to Kissinger's NSC staff.

The net result of this change has been that long-term estimates on broad subjects (e.g., the Outlook on Latin America Over the Next Decade, Soviet Strategic Strike Capabilities for the Next Five Years, etc.) have given way to short-term predictions which are little more than extensions of current intelligence analysis. But the intelligence system is the servant of the policymaker and must meet his needs and demands. Even so, the CIA's new estimating system has failed to satisfy the NSC staff and the White House. The tactical approach to world problems has proved to be of no more value--and probably less--than the traditional strategic view.

In the past, while the majority of the fifty or more NIE's written each year dealt with political matters, both the CIA and the Pentagon devoted the most work and attention to estimates that dealt with foreign military capabilities--especially the Soviet Union's. These NIE's, on such subjects as Soviet strategic strike forces, air defense forces, and general purpose forces, influenced large decisions about the American military budget, and each branch of the service as well as the DIA (representing the Defense Department) as a whole would fight fiercely to have its point of view included.


For example, in the 1963-to-1965 period when the Pentagon was seeking funds to build an anti-ballistic-missile (ABM) system, the military services joined together to promote the idea that Moscow was in the process of deploying its own ABM which would nullify the offensive nuclear threat of American strategic forces. Thus, the Pentagon reasoned, the United States would no longer have the power to stop the Soviets from taking bold initiatives in Western Europe and the Third World, and the security of the United States itself would be threatened. Although the military may have believed sincerely that the Soviets were outdistancing the United States and that Moscow would go on the offensive once it had an advantage, the benefits to be received by the armed services through an ABM system were still tremendously large. The Army stood to receive billions of dollars to build the system (and, not incidentally, get itself into the strategic-missile field, which the Air Force and Navy had managed to pre-empt). The Air Force could justify its requests for more long-range missiles in order to overcome the Soviet ABM defenses, and the Navy, on similar grounds, could ask for additional funds for its missile-equipped submarines.

The CIA and the State Department, on the other hand, did not see the Soviet ABM construction to be such a large threat to the United States. Neither ascribed such hostile intentions to the Soviets as the Pentagon did, and many analysts were not even convinced that any sort of ABM could ever be developed which could effectively stop the other side's intercontinental missiles. (In fact, quite a few cynical observers of the 1972 S.A.L.T. agreements believe that the reason the American and Soviet governments agreed to a limitation of two ABM sites each was that neither country had real confidence that its own ABM would work properly and thus was just as happy to be able to divert the money to other sorts of weaponry.)

While the ABM debate was raging within the intelligence community, both the civilian and the military analysts had access to the same fragmentary information about what the Soviets were doing in the field. There was tremendous pressure for ad-ditional intelligence and the USIB was frequently setting new collection requirements. Overt sources such as U.S. diplomats and Soviet periodicals produced some data, and Air Force spy planes flying along the fringes of the Soviet Union picked up more. Huge radars and other electronic sensors located in ( DELETED ) also made a contribution. And the most valuable information was supplied by the photographic satellites.

Yet, the overall picture on the Soviet ABM was incomplete, and the analysts were forced to make conclusions without having all of the pieces of the jigsaw puzzle before them. Often they turned to experts at the private "think tanks" for advice. They also consulted with American corporations--especially Bell Laboratories--that were performing research and development for the U.S. ABM in the hope that some of the fragmentary data amassed would make sense to the people working on similar systems at home.

Both the civilian and the military analysts agreed that the Soviets were constructing some sort of new defense system at Leningrad, and something else at Moscow. Most of the civilians believed that the Leningrad system was aimed against American bombers, and that the Moscow system was probably an ABM defense still undergoing research and development. The military claimed that the Leningrad site was actually an ABM, and that research had been completed for a more advanced ABM system which would be constructed around Moscow.

In those years from 1963 to 1965 the military entered footnote after footnote in the NIE's, and the views of a divided community went forward to the White House. The Johnson Administration made hundreds of millions of dollars of development funds available to the Army for the American ABM, although the Pentagon would have liked even more money to speed up development. Several years later, intelligence learned that the Leningrad system was indeed aimed against planes, not missiles (although the military quickly maintained--and still do today--that the Leningrad site could be quickly "upgraded" to have ABM capability), but that at Moscow the Soviets were building a true but limited ABM. The civilian estimate had been much closer to the truth than the military's, but the Pentagon got the funding it wanted from the Johnson and the Nixon Administrations to proceed with the deployment of an ABM system.

* * *


These intelligence wars are not just fought out in the privacy of the intelligence community. All the members have on occasion selectively disclosed secret data to the press and to members of Congress in support of their budgetary requests. But as columnist Joseph Kraft has written, "...far, far more than the civilians in the government, the uniformed military are in the habit of leaking information to serve their own interests." The sanctity of classified information seems to fall apart when fights for additional funds are under way in Congress. Former Assistant CIA Director for Research Herbert Scoville, Jr., was absolutely correct when he told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on March 28, 1972, that "The history of the past twenty years is dotted with example after example of intelligence being misused to promote within the Congress the programs of individual organizations or even of the administration as a whole."

Newsmen friendly to the Pentagon, such as Joseph Alsop (who helped promote the Pentagon's mythical bomber, missile, megaton, and ABM gaps, and is currently pushing the military's latest fright gimmick, the "technological" gap), and William Beecher, have long received leaks of material marked HIGHER THAN TOP SECRET' to buttress the military's case in a particular dispute. Included have been numerous reports based on satellite photography and communications intercepts--collection methods so sensitive that the overwhelming majority of government employees with security clearances are not authorized access to the information received.

Beecher, for many years the New York Times' Pentagon correspondent, left the paper in early 1973 to become a Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs. Ironically, his 1969 story about the secret American bombing of Cambodia and his 1971 piece on the classified American bargaining position at the S.A.L.T. talks were credited by the Nixon Administration as being among the principal reasons, along with the more important leak of the Pentagon Papers, for the formation in June 1971 of the so-called White House plumbers to stop unauthorized disclosures in the press.

When Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird and other Defense officials publicly quoted and leaked such one-sided intelligence during the 1969 congressional debate over the ABM that someone--probably in the CIA or the State Department--countered by providing the New York Times with the draft of a USIB estimate that refuted most of the Pentagon arguments about the danger posed by the Soviet ABM. In 1971 the Defense Department passed satellite-photo-based material concerning alleged Soviet construction of a new and larger type of missile to military-spending champion Senator Henry Jackson. Calling the development "ominous indeed", Jackson warned the country on March 7 about what the Soviets were supposedly doing, at the same time that Congress was considering the military budget. Melvin Laird corroborated Jackson's disclosure three days later in a television interview, and on April 22 cited fresh intelligence "confirming the sobering fact that the Soviet Union is involved in a new--and apparently extensive--ICBM construction program." Additionally, the threat described by Jackson and Laird was made even more vivid by a spate of unattributed supporting leaks.

Finally, an anonymous CIA employee struck back at the Pentagon. He knew that the agency had concluded that the Soviets were only "hardening" their missile sites rather than deploying a huge new missile system, and that over two-thirds of the excavations mentioned by Jackson and Laird were intended for an older and relatively small ICBM. So this CIA man publicly disclosed the agency's secret finding, according to the New York Times of May 26, 1971, through "non-government arms control experts" and "Senate Republican sources". Even though the CIA appraisal turned out to be much closer to the truth than the Pentagon's gloomy version, at least for another year, no one in the U.S. intelligence community knew for sure what the Soviet missile builders were really doing. In the meantime, the military scare stories--offset to some extent by the CIA's counter-leaks--undoubtedly had a psychological effect on the Congress which, in 1971, as usual, approved almost the whole Pentagon budget request.


The tragedy of all this maneuvering is that, despite the $6 billion paid out every year for intelligence, neither the Congress nor the public receives a true or worthwhile picture of Soviet military capabilities. Intelligence professionals explain that the sensitivity of the sources and methods involved in collecting this information makes the high degree of secrecy necessary, and they have resisted congressional attempts to create a regular procedure for sharing data with the legislative branch. Yet the professionals do not hesitate to leak the most highly classified intelligence when it serves their departmental interests. Moreover, the intelligence community regularly provides friendly foreign countries with detailed estimates of Soviet military strength, and during the S.A.L.T. talks the nation's negotiators even told their Soviet counterparts how much the United States really knew about Soviet missiles. Yet the American Congress, which has the constitutional responsibility to approve funds for the military budget, cannot get the same information.

In fact, the American S.A.L.T. negotiators were so explicit in their descriptions of Soviet capabilities that at one point, the ranking Soviet general took an American military man aside and asked that the U.S. not give the Soviet civilian negotiators such detailed information on Soviet missiles.

Congress, however, has always had the legislative power to insist that the CIA and the rest of the community share with it information on Soviet military capabilities--or any other subject, for that matter. Yet, to date, Congress as a whole has refused to take such action, despite the loud protests of a vocal minority. And Congress' unwillingness to take even so small a step to make itself better informed about the data used to justify military spending is symptomatic of the legislative branch's much larger failing: its refusal to exercise any degree of meaningful control over American intelligence activities.

* * *


It is very hard to tell from where will come valid information, is it not?

So, hold your breath, chelas, while I tell you something which our old "Hatonn is a hoax" buddy is telling the public. It is worthy of note for it is exactly that which I explain to you in detail. I do not wish to comment much on the information but rather, to allow you to see that Truth is Truth is Truth and discernment must be made in ALL CIRCUMSTANCES AND WITH ALL SPEAKERS. Dr. Coleman, for example, takes great exceptions with me and I with him, for I feel that until the "ego" is brought under control and information is gleaned in meaning from my work--then anyone and no one can possibly comment with accurate opinion regarding same. I KNOW what is in the work of other writers and expounders of facts and some conclusions are invalid.

Cooper: "I am performing a duty that I think has to be done, and I believe that history will be my judge.

"I attempt to present both sides of the UFO question. That is...(1) that there is evidence that extraterrestrials are real, and (2) it could also be the greatest hoax ever perpetrated in the history of the world in order to create an 'external threat' that will help bring about the one world government.

"Concerning that it is possible that both hypotheses could be correct, I still maintain that the alleged or actual existence of extraterrestrials is being used to bring about a One World Government. The extraterrestrials provide the existing governments of Earth with the 'external threat' that will force a one world government to come into existence."

Do I denounce Bill Cooper? Of course not and, further, I offer my hand in friendship and I salute him for some of his material. I do find it quite wondrous that after these months of accusations of "plagiarism" from Bill Cooper that now information pours in upon me saying that Bill Cooper is obviously and openly plagiarizing your (Hatonn's) material. He is even printing the Protocols of the Zionists, etc. Come, come chelas, be patient for it is the time of sorting and all do not come into understanding nor the "ability" to "believe" easily.

If intent be salvation and insight within the just laws of God and Creation--there can be no separation--only lack of realization. Put aside the "distractors" and glean the value presented in that which is Truth. Salu.

The Truth of MY PRESENCE and that of my fellow-travelers shall come soon enough! Good day



SAT., APRIL 11, 1992 8:14 A.M. YEAR 5, DAY 239



With the nationalization of American businesses on the island, Castro was openly thumbing his nose at the United States. Eisenhower, with few options, could only sit still and take it. South America, as Eisenhower noted, judged Castro as "a champion of the downtrodden and the enemy of the privileged" and would be up in arms at the thought of United States interference with this new Latino hero. Castro's seething revolutionary ideas, Ike feared, might spread through the economically parched nations south of America's border.

In contrast to Castro's popularity was the Vice President's trip to Latin America. In Lima, Peru, Richard Nixon and his wife were greeted by rocks and spit. Even more unfriendly was Caracas, Venezuela, where the windows of Nixon's limousine, stalled in the midst of an anti-American demonstration, were shattered by rioters carrying placards and heavy rocks.

Eisenhower's concern over the safety of his Vice President led to the assemblage of a sizable invasion force to physically extract him if necessary. "We could get no reports from the outside," the President explained at the time, "and not knowing whether the Venezuelan Government might not want some aid from us, we simply put it at the places where it would be available in reasonable amounts..." The "reasonable" force consisted of an aircraft carrier, a missile cruiser, six destroyers, and a helicopter detachment, assembled thirty miles off the Venezuelan coast, plus four companies of Army paratroopers and Marines, numbering some one thousand troops, which were rushed to quick-striking bases at Ramay Air Force base, Puerto Rico, and Guantanamo Bay, Cuba.

Clearly Latin America was a volatile and unpredictable place, where the popularity and politics of a man like Castro might spread quickly. Something would have to be done; what was needed, as Eisenhower put it, was "a third force", a solution other than Castro's obvious Communist leanings or the brutal despotism of Batista. But what could be done? And who to do it?

Not surprisingly, Eisenhower in March 1960 turned to the CIA to formulate a plan to get rid of Castro. The CIA concocted a reprise of the plan that had worked so well in Guatemala. A small cadre of several dozen carefully chosen Cuban refugees from among the Cuban exile community in Miami would be trained at the U.S. Army's Jungle Warfare School in Panama. These men would then train a larger group of approximately one hundred and fifty other Cubans, who would be infiltrated into Cuba in small groups to build up an anti-Castro underground that, with American aid, would rise up and depose Castro. Meanwhile, as in Guatemala, an important component of the plan, a propaganda radio station, was set in place. Called Radio Swan, it was constructed in the spring of 1960 on Swan Island, an uninhabited speck ninety-seven miles off the Honduran coast.


Radio Swan and the rest of the Cuban operation were under the command of one of the CIA's most striking figures. Richard Bissell, chief of the agency's covert operations. Standing over six feet tall, Bissell struck everyone as a dynamo of energy and ideas. An Ivy League economist and, later, government bureaucrat, he had never been a spy in his life but Allen Dulles sought him out in 1954 because he was known as a bureaucrat who actually got things done.

Bissell's rise in the CIA was meteoric. Although he was not, like most in the agency's hierarchy, a veteran of the OSS, he took to the craft of espionage like few others. The former academic showed no fear of taking risks; quite the contrary, the professor seemed to relish them. He had been the administrator in charge of the successful U-2 spy plane and the aura of the U2's success, combined with Bissell's enormous energies and managerial skill, made Dulles think Bissell could run the CIA's large-scale covert operations.

Bissell took the Cuban assignment with the same frenetic energy given to the building of spy planes, but quickly discovered the building of an underground movement would take longer than expected. "Their mission," Bissell later recalled, "would have been to build a fairly professional underground such as existed in France under German occupation." But the French underground's enemy was a foreign occupying power; in Cuba, the opponent was a leader who was solidifying his position every day, building a large military force and a two-hundred-thousand-man militia with Soviet arms, making it much more difficult to overthrow him.

As Castro grew stronger, the CIA's plan became larger and more varied. Much attention was focused on various schemes to undermine Castro's authority, or make him look ridiculous. The schemes were hatched by the CIA's spy lab, the Technical Services Division. One idea, designed to disrupt Castro's longwinded television speeches, was to spray the broadcasting studio with BZ, an LSD-like hallucinogenic drug. [H: Yes indeed, this IS the same CIA and, actually, some of the same people who are fighting the "War on Drugs" and overthrowing foreign nations--like today, Peru. These people remain above the law and the law is totally controlled by them so you have no justice--just blatant miscarriage of justice. Plea-bar-gaining is typical--plead guilty to something you "didn't" do and you can get off for that which you "did" do. Is this "JUSTICE"? For instance, look at Keating, who was sentenced to ten years in prison--do you realize that Keating did NOTHING ILLEGAL? He was totally and completely immoral even if he did finally plead for leniency on the basis of being a "Godly Christian family man", but as to the actual "laws of the land"--he was totally within those laws. The Elite even helped him--remember the Senators and Representatives? It actually went all the way to the Governor of California and the Presidency. Keating simply "took the rap for the bigger fish who again got away and, furthermore, got away WITH ALL THE PROPERTY IN POINT--AND ARE NOW BUYING AND SELLING THROUGH THE RTC AT CENTS ON THE DOLLAR--YOU-THE-PEOPLE ARE PICKING UP THE TAB.] Another plan was to inject a similar drug into a box of Castro's favorite Cuban cigars, and still another was to cause his beard to fall out by exposing him to a strong depilatory chemical. All of these comic plots were eventually abandoned, but they set a train of thought in motion: once the CIA began thinking about ways to make Castro's beard fall out, it was but a short step to their next question--why not kill him and solve the whole problem?

[H: Ah indeed, this Intelligence Service is made up of ones like Oliver North who can look like a caterwauling patriot with tears in his eyes at the mere mention of your flag and country while off the stand his book is being written FOR him, and he continues to LEAD the nation deeper into the black pit--using the name of Jesus, Christ and God all the way to the slaughter house. Do you ones not hear the messages? You were told just yesterday as a formal report that you were deceived and set-up in deceitful lies via the media in the Gulf War--and still you defend your ignorance like a banner of justice. THERE IS NO JUSTICE IN AMERICA ANY LONGER! So, where do you go from here? I suggest you get RIGHT with GOD because the future is bleak indeed!


You in this very area of Tehachapi, Palmdale, Lancaster and all parts around just escaped total annihilation yesterday afternoon. At the underground testing facilities there were two terrible disasters in the afternoon on Friday, 4/10/92 (that's right now)--THE MUSHROOM SHAPED CLOUDS WHICH FOLLOWED WERE EXACTLY WHAT THEY APPEARED TO BE! We efforted to clean them but some downwind people are going to have a nasty outbreak of "flu" as soon as the authorities can figure out what kind to call it. YOU ARE ALREADY IN THE WAR! That was the reason for my inattention in our meeting--you were just about to be blown to molecules. So, what happened? One of your atomic powered disc craft blew up in the launch tube. A lot of workers and scientists WILL NOT BE COMING HOME.]

By July of 1960, Allen Dulles and others were now wondering aloud about what would happen if Fidel, his brother, Raul, and Che Guevara all suddenly disappeared. The agency approved a payment of ten thousand dollars to a Cuban to arrange an "accident to neutralize" Raul. The attempt was never made. By mid-August the CIA had focused again on Castro's ubiquitous cigar; what had been fraternity house pranks dreamed up by the Technical Services people became serious: instead of soaking the cigars with LSD derivative to temporarily disorient Castro, the new plan called for dipping them with a deadly toxin that would kill Castro the minute he took a puff.


However exotic these gambits, Richard Bissell was not satisfied. He wanted more options, more ways to get at Castro. The CIA now reached out in another direction, one that led to one of the most bizarre alliances in U.S. history: the agency went into business with the Mafia.

So, going back to that nice money we spoke about before? It had been flown out of Cuba aboard several planes the day before--all of it. Whatever the CIA might have thought of Castro, the prescient American mobsters who ran the casinos knew enough about Castro to realize that Cuba's casino business was about to end. Castro fully intended to take the money and secure the Cuban National Bank.

As with all intrigues a perceived convergence of interests was soon to occur: the CIA wanted to get rid of Castro; the agency assumed the American Mafia had their own grievances against Castro. The CIA's Director of the Office of Security, Colonel Sheffield Edwards, proposed that the CIA hire the Mafia to dispose of Castro. The CIA believed that the mob had the motivation and experience to get just such a nasty job done.

Edwards did not personally know of any gangsters, but he knew a man who did: Robert Maheu, an ex-FBI agent and occasional CIA asset. Maheu was chief aide to billionaire Howard Hughes and ran Hughes's operations in Las Vegas. Maheu agreed to help, and offered underworld figure Johnny Roselli $150,000 of the CIA's (yours) money to have Castro killed. Roselli, whose underworld connections dated all the way back to Al Capone, agreed to help. [H: I bet you didn't realize that you take out contracts and pay the criminals to do the jobs, did you?] According to Maheu, the deciding factor in Roselli's decision to cooperate was sudden surge of patriotism. "He said he felt that he had an obligation to his government," Maheu later recalled with a straight face, "and he finally agreed to participate."

Roselli, a small-time mobster, immediately informed his boss, Sam ("Momo") Giancana, the Mafia godfather of Chicago whose empire included Las Vegas. The involvement of Giancana was a serious mistake for the CIA, since he was the subject of an intensive FBI racketeering investigation. Giancana, no fool, saw his opportunity to win the federal government's gratitude, and indicated enthusiastic willingness to kill Castro. [H: Still have "faith" in your JUSTICE system?]

The CIA first suggested a good old-fashioned gangland-style murder. Giancana, who had been behind bars some sixty-three times, declined the recommendation as too dangerous. Poison, Giancana argued, would be a much safer means of eliminating the Cuban leader. Soon a pattern emerged: various assassination attempts would be suggested or attempted, only to have Giancana regretfully report that they had failed, for one reason or another.

It was a supreme con job, and Giancana played the game for more than a year. Meanwhile, Giancana would shout to puzzled FBI agents surveilling him, "Hey, why don't you guys leave me alone? We're on the same side!" It was not long before the agents discovered what Giancana was up to, and J. Edgar Hoover prepared one of his famous masterfully phrased memos for the CIA, wondering if the agency was aware that a notorious Mafia leader was involved in an assassination plot against Fidel Castro.

Just how much specific knowledge Eisenhower had of this and other assassination activities remains unclear even today. Is it possible that the CIA would have carried out such an operation entirely on its own? It was the age of "plausible denial" and, as Bissell himself later noted, almost certainly Eisenhower was not presented with what Bissell called a "nakedly labeled" assassination plan, but may have said, "I want that man gotten rid of," which meant to Bissell, "any means are legitimate."

The same ambiguity arises in connection with Eisenhower's successor, John Kennedy, whose administration was marked by other, similar assassination plots against Castro. Again, there is no known evidence that Kennedy gave direct approval for such operations. One thing is clear: Kennedy was totally committed to destroying the Castro regime. During the election campaign of 1960, he hammered hard on the issue of Cuba, accusing Nixon and Eisenhower of "tolerating a Communist regime only ninety miles off the Florida coast". By the end of the campaign, Kennedy had all but advocated open intervention in Cuba on behalf of the "fighters of freedom" (a phrase Ronald Reagan would slightly alter two decades later for his own band of Latin exiles).

A similar theme echoed through Kennedy's inauguration address on January 20, 1961. In his now famous speech Kennedy proclaimed that the United States would pay any price, bear any burden to assure liberty. He also had a special message for those south of the border: "Let every other power know that this Hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house." Kennedy, only moments into his administration, had drawn a line in the geopolitical dirt and had dared anyone to cross it. The inaugural words came easy, but the youngest President in American history would soon learn just how heavy a price he would have to bear for them.


Before taking the presidential oath of office, Kennedy knew that the CIA had ready a plan to back up his tough talk. Allen Dulles and Richard Bissell briefed the President-elect on what was known as Operation Zapata. Bissell's classic underground World War II parachute drop operation against Castro had mushroomed. Now the plan looked more like a small version of the Normandy invasion.

The metamorphosis took place while Kennedy was still out on the campaign trail. During this time the CIA realized it had underestimated the strength of Castro's forces and overestimated the resistance to them. The few anti-Castro guerrillas still in Cuba, Bissell concluded, were starving in the mountains, with no experience or understanding in how to build an underground.

Cuba was not to be a repeat of the CIA's successful operation in Guatemala. The quicker recourse was rather large and noisy: an invasion force consisting of a small navy and air force, an army brigade of fifteen hundred Cuban exiles, and supporting roles provided by the CIA and the U.S. Navy.

The invasion plan called for the Navy to transport the brigade from Nicaragua to the shores of Cuba where a beachhead would be established and a new government proclaimed. As with the Normandy invasion, the key to success, the CIA planners realized, was controlling the skies. Sixteen World War II vintage B-26 bombers, flown by Cuban pilots from Guatemala, would strike first, without warning, to destroy Castro's planes on the ground. With the skies belonging to the rebels and a toehold firmly secured, the fifteen hundred exiles would then engage Castro's militia of two hundred thousand.

For the scheme to really work, there would have to follow very shortly an uprising by the Cubans throughout the island. The hope was to create, in Bissell's words, a "fluid situation". E. Howard Hunt, the CIA's political officer on Zapata, tells a different story. According to him, once the beachhead was secured, a provisional Cuban government (with Hunt as the U.S. representative) was to be flown in from Miami. Shortly thereafter, fifteen thousand U.S. Marines would come ashore in support of the new government.

Either way, the invasion operation was an extraordinary inheritance from Eisenhower. "He had been astonished at its magnitude and daring." From that moment on he had grave doubts. And others, even inside the CIA, were having their own misgivings. The operation was huge and complicated as only Clandestine Operations can, as children in intrigue, complicate it. David Atlee Phillips was one of the most uncomfortable. Phillips had been a major part of the radio propaganda effort during the Guatemala campaign that ousted Arbenz in 1954. Then it had been so simple. Cuba and Castro, Phillips knew from first-hand experience in Cuba, were not the same as Guatemala and Arbenz. As he reviewed Bissell's invasion plans in the CIA's war room, he sensed something was very wrong: "There's a maxim in the intelligence business that you can't hide a hippopotamus with a handerkerchief. You certainly can't cover a tank on a Caribbean beach with one."


Whatever Phillip's apprehensions, he wasn't sharing his hippopotamus maxims with Bissell. Not that it really mattered, for the new commander in chief already had plenty of doubts about the invasion. There was also a big problem in shutting down the operation: how to quietly disperse an army of fifteen hundred American-trained Cubans? Allen Dulles would later describe the operation as "an orphan child JFK had adopted from the Republicans. He had no real love or affection for it." Clearly, Kennedy's political instincts were warning him of the dangers ahead, no matter which way he moved. The President had not gotten a really good handle on the operation, and he sought a second opinion from the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The Cuban Brigade, trained and ready, awaiting D-Day on an isolated Guatemalan coffee plantation, passed muster with the Joint Chiefs. Dulles went even further, telling the President, "I stood at this very desk and said to President Eisenhower about a similar operation in Guatemala, 'I believe it will work.' And I say to you now, Mr. President, that the prospects are even better than our prospects were in Guatemala."

There were few dissenters to the plan. Capitol Hill was all but asleep on the invasion, except for Senator J. William Fulbright, an Arkansas Democrat and chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. In contrast to the public uproar a dissenting Senator might create today, Fulbright's reaction was to prepare for the President a private but prescient memorandum detailing the possible consequences should the operation fail. There were few naysayers inside the White House. One of the exceptions was presidential adviser and Harvard historian Arthur Schlesinger. When his arguments against the operation were overruled, Schlesinger offered one final, closing word of advice. If the invasion was to take place, someone lower than the President should give the go-ahead, "someone whose head can be placed in the block if things go terribly wrong." Even historians understood the theory of plausible denial.

There were no realistic hopes of keeping the invasion under wraps. It was simply too massive. The invasion was certainly no secret by April 12, 1961, when, in a White House news conference, the question was put straightforwardly to the President. Kennedy, in his answer, told the truth, but not the whole truth: "There will not be, under any circumstances, an intervention in Cuba by the United States Armed Forces."


To further reduce the invasion racket, the White House had its own ideas on how to muffle the operation. The original landing site, Trinidad, was dropped in favor of a less populated area some distance away: the Bay of Pigs. In changing the site, Kennedy eliminated a critical backup plan: in the event the invasion failed, the CIA's contingency plan called for the survivors to scatter into the Escambray Mountains and carry on their guerrilla war. But the Bay of Pigs was surrounded by swamps, which meant it lacked an escape route. The invading force might land with less noise, but now it had no options.

The guerrilla air force was another problem. A whole flock of the B-26 planes suddenly carrying out bombing runs on Cuba would surely point directly back to the United States. Allowing sixteen bombers to attack Cuba simultaneously, Kennedy reasoned, strained plausible deniability far beyond its limits. The surprise first air strike, with its critical mission of destroying Castro's air force while still on the ground, was cut in half--only eight bombers flew instead of sixteen--with the result that only half of Castro's air force was destroyed [H: You'll have to refer back to earlier descriptions of what happened that air cover was denied.]

And so the invasion force headed for disaster. On Monday morning April 18, 1961, as the force moved toward shore, the skies belonged to Castro. A single Cuban Air Force jet sank two of the brigade's ships. One of them, the Houston, carried two battalions of men and the brigade's entire stock of reserve ammunition. The rest of the exiles, trapped on the beach, pounded by Castro's planes and brand-new Soviet artillery pieces, fought for three days before surrendering. Brigade 2506--named after the dog tag number of a recruit killed in a training accident--was crushed. Of its 1,500 men, 80 of them died fighting, 37 drowned, 48 escaped, and the rest surrendered, later to be ransomed for cash, medical supplies, and farm tractors. The CIA's air force suffered an equivalent disaster: 12 of the planes were shot down, with 14 killed, including 4 Alabama Air National Guard fliers who had formally "resigned" from the National Guard and were flying as civilian "volunteers".

At the CIA command post 1,200 miles away, appalled CIA officers listened to the radio messages that, like the pealing of a funeral bell, tolled disaster. Among them was David Atlee Phillips, who only a few years before had participated in the celebratory gathering at the White House after the Guatemala operation. There would be no such gathering after the Bay of Pigs.

As the radio messages came in, one of the men in the room scratched his wrists so nervously and absent-mindedly that Phillips noticed that they began to bleed profusely. Another CIA man, a veteran of a tank battalion during World War II, vomited into a wastebasket. As the invasion crumbled and the radio messages began to die away, one of the last was from the brigade's military commander. Standing in the shallows, he said, "I'm throwing away my gear now. There's nothing left to fight with." He cursed the CIA. Then he cursed the United States.


"There's an old saying that victory has a hundred fathers and defeat is an orphan. I'm the responsible officer of the Government, and that is quite obvious." That was John Kennedy's public response to the Bay of Pigs. In private, Kennedy confided in his brother: how could they all have been so wrong--the CIA, the Pentagon, and his most trusted advisers? And how could he have been so utterly stupid? His instincts had warned him: he had simply failed to listen.

In the wreckage of Operation Zapata, Kennedy eased Allen Dulles into retirement. Richard Bissell followed shortly after, in February 1962. A quarter of a century later, Bissell recalled Kennedy's anger as rather mild, given the magnitude of the failure: "There was no pettiness in the reaction. Privately he spoke about cutting the agency down to size, but in the end really nothing was done."

The White House bitterness over the failure of the Bay of Pigs, however, would run deep for a long time to come. There was already, as one White House staffer noted, a mood of revenge in the air. Richard Bissell, in his last few months at the CIA, was called in on the White House carpet, remembered one agency official, and "chewed out in the Cabinet Room of the White House by both the President and the Attorney General, for, as he put it, sitting on his ass and not doing anything about getting rid of Castro and the Castro regime."

Getting rid of Castro, Bobby Kennedy announced, was "the top priority in the U.S. government--all else is secondary. No time, money, effort, or manpower is to be spared." As Defense Secretary Robert McNamara later put it, "We were hysterical about Castro at the time of the Bay of Pigs and thereafter." Just what the alternative, the possible "third force" to replace Castro, might be, no one seemed to know, or care. [H: If you have been paying attention--YOU KNOW!] The effort now had little to do with geopolitical issues; Castro, the man, was the target.


The response to the White House pressure was a major CIA covert program, Operation Mongoose, managed by a new set of players. President Kennedy considered installing his brother Bobby as CIA Director following the Bay of Pigs, but political expediency led to the choice of an outsider, John McCone, a wealthy Republican industrialist. McCone was named director, but Bobby was given free rein to oversee Mongoose out of the Attorney General's office. Despite their differences in politics and age, the two men came to be close allies. "Mongoose was a program of infiltrations of annoying, but not strategic matters," was McCone's assessment. "It was really operated under Bobby Kennedy. We had no problems whatsoever."

McCone may have had no problems, but not so his new Deputy Director of Plans, Richard Helms, who had been in the spying trade since the OSS days of World War II. He had been Bissell's deputy director of covert operations, and had now moved up to replace him as the chief of covert operations. Helms had carefully kept his distance from Zapata; as other CIA officers were to note admiringly, there was not a single piece of paper in connection with the operation that contained Helms' name. Now he was charged with winning back Cuba and the agency's reputation. As Helms later put it, "We wanted to earn our spurs with the President."

The CIA had not yet earned its spurs, but Bobby Kennedy was goading Helms with constant demands to do something about Castro. "Bobby Kennedy," Helms later recalled, "was very hands-on in this period. He was the one who had the whip in hand."

General Edward Lansdale, a veteran of counterinsurgency operations in the Philippines and Vietnam, was brought in to coordinate the interdepartmental effort of State, Defense, and CIA, a task which, as Lansdale described it, was to "put the American genius to work, quickly and effectively". Like Bissell before him, Lansdale's original plan called for building up internal Cuban resistance to Castro, but just as Bissell experienced, White house pressure and impatience, combined with the slow process of building a viable underground network (plus the CIA's inherent preference for boom and bang operations), soon turned the operation, once again, into a paramilitary campaign.

Operation Mongoose became a full-court press of covert action designed to destabilize, then destroy, the Castro regime. Mongoose included no outright invasion, but just about everything short of that: hit-and-run raids by Cuban exiles against Cuban economic targets, propaganda broadcasts, and infiltration of small teams of guerrillas, Soon Miami was the largest CIA station in the world. The unit, called Task Force W, was supported by at least two hundred CIA officers and two thousand Cuban exiles.


Mongoose came to an abrupt, if temporary, halt in October 1962 with the Cuban missile crisis. The analytic branch of the CIA had previously all but discounted the possibility of Soviet nuclear missiles based in Cuba, believing that Khrushchev could not be so foolhardy. But the Soviet hopes for success rested on just such a surprise; the missiles would have to be operational before being discovered, when the United States would have no option but to live with them. But Bissell's favorite project, the high-flying U-2 spy plane, grounded for over a year from flights over the Soviet Union following the shooting down of Francis Gary Powers, was over San Cristobal near Havana on October 14, 1962, and brought back photographic evidence of construction of missile sites. The CIA intelligence-gathering and analysis provided to Kennedy and his advisers over the next two weeks proved critical to a peaceful resolution of the nuclear crisis. Nearly twenty years after the sneak assault on Pearl Harbor, the intelligence apparatus set up to give forewarning of any similar surprise attack accomplished its mission. It was the CIA's finest hour.

The crisis was resolved when Khrushchev agreed to remove the missiles, while Kennedy privately guaranteed to dismantle aging Jupiter missiles in Turkey. Kennedy also promised there would be no invasion of Cuba, but the highly secret CIA assassination efforts, put on hold prior to the Cuban invasion, had already been reactivated. In April 1962 the CIA was back in touch with their old acquaintances, Roselli and Giancana. But the new plot dissolved in opera bouffe, caused mostly by a little problem of the heart.

In October 1960 Momo Giancana was a busy but jealous man. On the CIA payroll while still running the Chicago Mafia, he heard rumors that his Las Vegas girlfriend, singer Phyllis McGuire, was having an affair with comedian Dan Rowan. Giancana, in a fit of jealousy, demanded of Maheu that something be done. Maheu, once again the CIA's contact man with the Mafia, consoled Giancana by agreeing to find proof of the infidelity. Maheu hired a private detective to bug the trysting site. But the job was botched; the technician was arrested and the FBI notified. The private detective was not about to take the rap alone, and revealed to FBI agents that he had been hired by Maheu. In turn, Maheu admitted the Giancana connection and urged the CIA to quash any prosecution for fear that the Castro assassination plot would be revealed.

With that move, J. Edgar Hoover was provided with everything he needed to know. He could scarcely believe all that had suddenly fallen into his lap: the CIA, which he still considered a hated rival, was back in business with the Mafia, and was again trying to assassinate Fidel Castro. But there was more. His agents, in surveilling Giancana, discovered that among his other mistresses was one Judith Campbell--who also happened to be involved in a relationship with President Kennedy, as the agents found out by trailing her to the White House. A check into White House telephone records showed that Kennedy called her often.


A man who recognized opportunity and knew what to do with it, Hoover had a quiet, private luncheon with Kennedy, during which he outlined the Giancana-CIA-Campbell-Kennedy connection. No record exists of what was said, but Hoover's modus operandi would have been to inform the President of the delicate matter and vow his "discretion". In other words, Hoover was now privy to the kind of information that would make him politically inviolable so long as Kennedy was in office; any rumors of the Kennedys seeking a new FBI chief would end immediately. White House telephone logs show that the last of some seventy phone conversations between Kennedy and Judith Campbell occurred just a few hours after the meeting with Hoover.

But the assassination plots went on. Giancana, hoping his role in the attempts to kill Castro would win him Justice Department forgiveness on racketeering charges, told the CIA that the Mafia knew a cook at one of Castro's favorite Havana restaurants. The cook, Giancana claimed, would be willing to slip some form of liquid poison into Castro's soup. The CIA prepared a liquid toxin, but then Giancana stalled further, claiming that the cook was getting cold feet.

Meanwhile, the CIA's Technical Services Division was pursuing a second track. Having struck out with the toxins, the spy lab began tinkering with new ideas. One scheme called for arming a seashell with a powerful bomb, which would explode when Castro was underwater at his favorite scuba-diving site. The lethal seashell was never built. A second plan called for using attorney James Donovan as an unwitting assassin. The former OSS agent had recently negotiated the exchange of convicted KGB agent Rudolf Abel and U-2 pilot Francis Gary Powers, and was negotiating with Castro for the release of the more than eleven hundred Cuban exiles captured at the Bay of Pigs. The CIA plan called for Donovan to unknowingly deliver a contaminated diving suit to Castro as a present. Loaded with fungus and pathogenic tubercle bacillus, the suit would have given the Cuban leader a nasty skin disorder and a fatal lung disease. [H: Let's see now, that was in or around 1960 and this is 1992--over thirty years ago--do you think the ideas are not more sophisticated now? The head "Evil Mind" is your King assisted and instructed by the Evil King of the Global Elite--and he was birthed and trained in Skull and Bones and CIA.] The little fungus plot failed only because Donovan, in his ignorance, bought his own, uncontaminated diving suit as a genuine gift to offer Castro.

The most important CIA asset in the assassination plots was a high-ranking Cuban official, Rolando Cubela, code-named AM/Lash. He was particularly anxious to get his hands on grenades and a high-powered rifle with telescopic sights. Cubela was later offered a ballpoint pen rigged with a hypodermic needle so small "that the victim would not notice its insertion." On November 22, 1963, the CIA handed the poison pen over to AM/Lash. That same day, John Fitzgerald Kennedy was assassinated in Dallas, Texas.

Richard Bissell by now had lost his enthusiasm for assassination in the quarter century since he had first become involved in such games: "I think I, for one, placed too much reliance on the ability to keep things like that permanently secret after the event, but even aside from that pragmatic consideration, I think it was a mistake. I just think assassination is a weapon to be employed by a government entity only in very, very few situations, if any." Richard Helms, when he took over Bissell's job, dismissed the assassination plots hatched in his department as "crazy schemes". As for the CIA's connections with the Mafia, Helms continued to keep his distance, knowing that much of the truth was buried when Giancana was killed. Giancana, by the way, was shot seven times in the throat while preparing breakfast in his Chicago kitchen in June 1975. Roselli was hacked to pieces, stuffed inside an oil drum, and dropped into the sea near Miami in July 1976. Both men had been too friendly with the government for the mob's liking [H:--or just the opposite. For the thugs are now running your United States Government.]

Has the CIA ever assassinated, directly, a foreign leader? Well, of course, but the most notorious leader assassinated by the CIA remains J. F. Kennedy. The American plots against Fidel Castro are openly recognized to number eight, and Castro has claimed that there was actually a total of twenty-four CIA attempts against his life. The Castro was publicly shut down in or around 1967--at least the title code-name was changed to protect the guilty. Johnson decided to end what he called a "damned Murder, Inc. in the Caribbean". But by then, the Kennedy annoyance was put to sleep--in the graves.

At any rate Johnson had bigger fish to fry in Viet Nam.

* * *

I think this is enough to give you a picture of the Cuban situation and for you to realize that the real cause of actions were not what were presented to you-the-people any more than have been any subsequent actions by your Government.

Let us just close this JOURNAL here for I am aware that we will overrun our space if I rattle on much longer.

Please know that if you do not become aware of what "has been" and "IS", there is no way you can do anything other than "shadow" box and never find solutions for the real problems are kept from you. May you be given insight to see and understand so that you can receive guidance and direction.

What Are The Phoenix Journals?

Many people have asked us what the PHOENIX JOURNALS are. They contain the true history (His-story) of mankind on this planet as well as detailed information about the most asked about and wondered about subjects (i.e., Spirituality, E.T.s, our origin, our purpose here on this planet, etc.). Commander Hatonn and the other Higher Spiritual Teachers who have authored these JOURNALS, weave spiritual lessons and insights throughout the unveiling of lies which have been deceptively forced upon us, throughout ti me, by the Elite anti-Christ controllers. These JOURNALS are the "DEAD SEA SCROLLS" of our time. Their importance in the growth of mankind cannot be overstated. They are the textbooks of understanding which God promised us we would have, to guide us through the "End Times".

Here is what Commander Hatonn has said about the PHOENIX JOURNALS. Quoting from JOURNAL #40, THE TRILLION DOLLAR LIE, Vol.II, pgs. 47 & 48: "Some day in the far recesses of the future experiences of another human civilization—these JOURNALS will be found and TRUTH will again be given unto the world manifest so that another lost civilization can regain and find its way. God always gives His creations that which they need when the sequence is proper. It is what man DOES WITH THESE THINGS which marks the civilization. WHAT WILL YOUR LEGACY BE????? I focus on current activities which might turn your world about in ti me to save your ecosystems and your sovereignty as nations and peoples. You cannot wait to be filled in on the lies of the generations lest you wait until too late to take control of your circumstance presently within the lies. YOU ARE A PEOPLE OF MASSIVE DECEPTION AND WHAT YOU WILL DO WITH THIS INFORMATION IN ACTION DETERMINES YOUR PURPOSE AND GROWTH IN THIS WONDROUS MANIFESTED EXPERIENCE—WILL YOU PERISH PHYSICALLY OF THE EVIL INTENT, OR WILL YOU MOVE INTO AND WITHIN THE PLACES OF HOLY CREATOR? THE CHOICE IS YOURS."



1. SIPAPU ODYSSEY ISBN 1-56935-045-0




5. FROM HERE TO ARMAGEDDON 1-56935-043-4



9. SATAN'S DRUMMERS ISBN 1-56935-054-X

10. PRIVACY IN A FISHBOWL ISBN 1-56935-042-6

11. CRY OF THE PHOENIX ISBN 1-56935-036-1





16. YOU CAN SLAY THE DRAGON ISBN 0-922356-21-1

17. THE NAKED PHOENIX ISBN 0-922356-22-X

18. BLOOD AND ASHES ISBN 0-922356-25-4




23. BURNT OFFERINGS ISBN 0-922356-33-5






29. END OF THE MASQUERADE ISBN 0-922356-40-8

38. THE DARK CHARADE ISBN 0-922356-53-X




42. UNHOLY ALLIANCE ISBN 0-922356-61-0

43. TANGLED WEBS VOL. I ISBN 0-922356-62-9

44. TANGLED WEBS VOL. II ISBN 0-922356-63-7

45. TANGLED WEBS VOL. III ISBN 0-922356-64-5

46. TANGLED WEBS VOL. IV ISBN 0-922356-65-3

48. TANGLED WEBS VOL. V ISBN 0-922356-68-8

49. TANGLED WEBS VOL. VI ISBN 0-922356-69-6

50. DIVINE PLAN VOL. I ISBN 1-56935-29-9

51. TANGLED WEBS VOL. VII ISBN 0-922356-81-5

52. TANGLED WEBS VOL. VIII ISBN 0-922356-83-1

53. TANGLED WEBS VOL. IX ISBN 0-922356-84-X

54. THE FUNNEL'S NECK ISBN 0-922356-86-6

55. MARCHING TO ZION ISBN 0-922356-87-4

56. SEX AND THE LOTTERY ISBN 0-922356-88-2

57. GOD'S PLAN 2000! DIVINE PLAN VOL. II ISBN 1-56935-028-0



60. AS THE BLOSSOM OPENS ISBN 0-922356-92-0



63. THE BEST OF TIMES ISBN 1-56935-002-7

64. TO ALL MY CHILDREN ISBN 1-56935-003-5

65. THE LAST GREAT PLAGUE ISBN 1-56935-004-3


67. THE BEAST AT WORK ISBN 1-56935-006-X

68. ECSTASY TO AGONY ISBN 1-56935-007-8

69. TATTERED PAGES ISBN 1-56935-009-4

70. NO THORNLESS ROSES ISBN 1-56935-010-8

71. COALESCENCE ISBN 1-56935-012-4

72. CANDLELIGHT ISBN 1-56935-013-2





77. PLAYERS IN THE GAME ISBN 1-56935-022-1


79. MARCHING TO ZOG ISBN 1-56935-024-8

80. TRUTH FROM THE "ZOG BOG" ISBN 1-56935-025-6



83. POLITICAL PSYCHOS ISBN 1-56935-030-2



86. MISSING THE LIFEBOAT?? ISBN 1-56935-033-7

87. IN GOD'S NAME AWAKEN ISBN 1-56935-034-5







94. WINGING IT... ISBN 1-56935-044-2

95. HEAVE-UP (PHASE ONE) ISBN 1-56935-046-9

96. HEAVE-HO (PHASE TWO) ISBN 1-56935-048-5

97. HEAVE 'EM OUT (PHASE THREE, PART 1) ISBN 1-56935-049-3





102. SACRED WISDOM ISBN 1-56935-055-8


104. FIRST STEPS ISBN 1-56935-057-4


107. RING AROUND THE ROSIE ISBN 1-56935-060-4


222. BIRTHING THE PHOENIX Vol. 1 ISBN 1-56935-179-1

223. BIRTHING THE PHOENIX Vol. 2 ISBN 1-56935-180-5

224. BIRTHING THE PHOENIX Vol. 3 ISBN 1-56935-181-3

225. BIRTHING THE PHOENIX Vol. 4 ISBN 1-56935-182-1

227. RISE OF ANTICHRIST Vol. 1 ISBN 1-56935-184-8

228. RISE OF ANTICHRIST Vol. 2 ISBN 1-56935-185-6

229. RISE OF ANTICHRIST Vol. 3 ISBN 1-56935-186-4

230. RISE OF ANTICHRIST Vol. 4 ISBN 1-56935-187-2